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Millennial Recounts Extinct Social Tradition Known as the ‘House Party’

DES MOINES, Iowa — Rocking gently on a creaking wooden chair as dusk settled and wind chimes rang out their soft, mournful... Get the full story
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“Let us think of ways to motivate one another to acts of love and good works.”
Hebrews 10:24 (NLT)

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Financial Shock Deepens as California Governor Scrambles After JPMorgan Chase Pulls Back

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On the Anniversary of the Declaration of a ‘Zone of Peace’, the U.S. Heightens its Murderous Assault on the Cuban People and Revolution

On January 29th, the 12-year anniversary of the declaration of Latin America & the Caribbean as a Zone of Peace by CELAC (the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States) in Havana, Cuba, the U.S. dramatically escalated its economic and political war on Cuba. The U.S. issued an executive order declaring Cuba an “unusual and extraordinary threat,” employing a familiar propaganda strategy relentlessly tying the island nation to designated “terrorist” groups like Hamas and Hezbollah, and geopolitical adversaries like China and Russia. This rhetoric, mirroring dehumanizing narratives used against Venezuela and Iran, aims to manufacture consent for aggression by framing Cuba as a malignant actor. We condemn, in the strongest terms, this executive order and the broader war on Cuba.

To justify further U.S. lawlessness, the executive order explicitly frames Cuba’s independent foreign policy as a hostile act. The attack on Cuba is not isolated but part of a broader hybrid war targeting Venezuela and Nicaragua, aiming to dismantle any successful example of resistance or authentic regional integration, both of which Cuba has played a heroic role in advancing on behalf of the people of Our Americas. The overarching U.S. objective is the systematic destruction of the declared “Zone of Peace” in Latin America & the Caribbean through full spectrum dominance in the hemisphere. This escalation will lead directly to more economic misery in Cuba, conflict in that country and throughout the region, and destruction of any semblance of popular sovereignty within nations and non-coercive relationships between them.

The timing is critical, as this escalation occurs amidst a demonstrable lack of consensus within CELAC, highlighting how U.S. neocolonial influence actively fractures regional solidarity to enable such attacks. The recent contention over the concept of a ‘Zone of Peace’, which has until 2025 been unanimously accepted by all CELAC members in theory (if not in practice), has been a direct political and ideological gift to U.S.-led imperialism. Trinidad & Tobago’s Prime Minister’s abdication of the concept of a Zone of Peace is a direct result of that government’s decision to serve as a neocolonial puppet in the region, being weaponized against revolutionary governments and regional integration based in sovereignty and solidarity.

2026 also marks the centennial of Fidel Castro, whose leadership was defined by the “Battle of Ideas” against imperialism. Today, we see the idea of “peace” being co-opted and corrupted by U.S.-led empire to further military domination, economic control, and political subjugation. This ideological struggle is material as well, as Cuba has long played a role in supporting true, just peace throughout the region and the world – most notably and recently in Colombia.

Fighting against U.S.-led imperialism, militarism, and genocidal acceleration means struggling ferociously to support the Cuban Revolution and the development of a Zone of Peace that links revolutionary national liberation and grassroots peoples’ struggles. Through the Campaign for a Zone of Peace in Our Americas and the accompanying U.S./NATO Out of Our Americas Network, we are attempting to support the grassroots coordination and organized resistance that is required to make this aspiration a reality.

Long Live the Cuban Revolution!

Make Our Americas a Zone of Peace!

Black Alliance for Peace & Diaspora Pa’lante Collective

En el aniversario de la declaración de una Zona de Paz, Estados Unidos intensifica su sangriento ataque contra el pueblo cubano y su revolución

30 de enero de 2026 – El 29 de enero, en el 12.º aniversario de la declaración de América Latina y el Caribe como Zona de Paz por parte de la CELAC (Comunidad de Estados Latinoamericanos y Caribeños) en La Habana, Cuba, Estados Unidos intensificó drásticamente su guerra económica y política contra Cuba. Estados Unidos emitió un decreto ejecutivo en el que declaraba a Cuba una “amenaza inusual y extraordinaria”, empleando una conocida estrategia propagandística que vincula implacablemente a la nación insular con grupos designados como “terroristas”, como Hamás y Hezbolá, y adversarios geopolíticos como China y Rusia. Esta retórica, que refleja las narrativas deshumanizadoras utilizadas contra Venezuela e Irán, tiene como objetivo fabricar el consentimiento para la agresión al presentar a Cuba como un actor maligno. Condenamos enérgicamente esta orden ejecutiva y la guerra más amplia contra Cuba.

Para justificar una mayor ilegalidad por parte de Estados Unidos, la orden ejecutiva enmarca explícitamente la política exterior independiente de Cuba como un acto hostil. El ataque contra Cuba no es un caso aislado, sino parte de una guerra híbrida más amplia dirigida contra Venezuela y Nicaragua, con el objetivo de desmantelar cualquier ejemplo exitoso de resistencia o auténtica integración regional, en cuya promoción Cuba ha desempeñado un papel heroico en nombre de los pueblos de Nuestra América. El objetivo general de EE.UU. es la destrucción sistemática de la declarada “Zona de Paz” en América Latina y el Caribe mediante el dominio total del hemisferio. Esta escalada conducirá directamente a una mayor miseria económica en Cuba, a conflictos en ese país y en toda la región, y a la destrucción de cualquier atisbo de soberanía popular dentro de las naciones y de relaciones no coercitivas entre ellas.

El momento es crítico, ya que esta escalada se produce en medio de una evidente falta de consenso dentro de la CELAC, lo que pone de relieve cómo la influencia neocolonial de Estados Unidos fractura activamente la solidaridad regional para permitir tales ataques. La reciente controversia sobre el concepto de Zona de Paz, que hasta 2025 ha sido aceptado unánimemente por todos los miembros de la CELAC en teoría (si no en la práctica), ha sido un regalo político e ideológico directo para el imperialismo liderado por Estados Unidos. La renuncia del primer ministro de Trinidad y Tobago al concepto de Zona de Paz es el resultado directo de la decisión de ese gobierno de actuar como títere neocolonial en la región, siendo utilizado como arma contra los gobiernos revolucionarios y la integración regional basada en la soberanía y la solidaridad.

El año 2026 también marca el centenario de Fidel Castro, cuyo liderazgo se definió por la “Batalla de Ideas” contra el imperialismo. Hoy en día, vemos cómo la idea de “paz” es cooptada y corrompida por el imperio liderado por EE.UU para promover la dominación militar, el control económico y la subyugación política. Esta lucha ideológica también es material, ya que Cuba ha desempeñado durante mucho tiempo un papel en el apoyo a una paz verdadera y justa en toda la región y el mundo, sobre todo y más recientemente en Colombia.

Luchar contra el imperialismo, el militarismo y la aceleración genocida liderados por Estados Unidos significa luchar ferozmente para apoyar la Revolución Cubana y el desarrollo de una Zona de Paz que vincule la liberación nacional revolucionaria y las luchas populares de base. A través de la Campaña por una Zona de Paz en Nuestra América y la red que la acompaña, La Red EE.UU/OTAN Fuera de Nuestra América, estamos tratando de apoyar la coordinación de base y la resistencia organizada que se requiere para hacer realidad esta aspiración.

¡Viva la Revolución Cubana!

¡Hagamos de Nuestra América una Zona de Paz!

Black Alliance for Peace y Diaspora Pa’lante Collective

source: BAP

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BREAKING: 1st Detransitioner to Take a Medical-Malpractice Lawsuit to Trial Wins $2 Million Judgement

Fox Varian sued her Westchester, NY, area psychologist and plastic surgeon for the gender-transition mastectomy she got at 16.

I was the only reporter to attend the entire 3-week, historic trial. Subscribe to my Substack to receive an alert about the feature article I have coming out next week in a major publication out about the trial: benryan.substack.com…
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New Boss, Same Plantation: Joseph Walters and the Grievance Machine

When Governor Abigail Spanberger moved to replace Chadwick Dotson at the Virginia Department of Corrections, the public hoped for change: a break from the violence, retaliation, and secrecy that have defined Virginia’s Western Region prisons. The man elevated to run the system, Deputy Director Joseph W. Walters, was presented as a steady technocrat.

Look at the record, and a different picture emerges. Walters is not an outsider brought in to clean house. He is the longtime administrator of the plantation economy inside VADOC: the official who sits over money, labor, “compliance,” HR, and the very grievance maze that keeps people out of court.

Across at least 29 federal civil cases naming him as a defendant, Walters appears not as a reformer but as a constant: the signature at the top of a regime that survives by controlling both the bodies and the paperwork.

The man over the maze

The org chart makes Walters’ role plain. As Deputy Director for Administration, his name sits at the top of a column that runs through Information Technology, Financial Management, Health Services, Human Resources, Administrative Compliance, Virginia Correctional Enterprises, Corrections Administration, Infrastructure and Environmental Services, Agribusiness, Policy and Agency Initiatives, General Services, and Training. These are the offices whose outputs—policies, trainings, compliance certifications, medical practices, hiring and discipline decisions, procurement and facility records, and grievance metrics—are later treated by courts and auditors as neutral evidence of constitutional adequacy.

This is not a side wing of the agency. It is the core of how the regime reproduces itself on paper: who gets hired and promoted, what happens when staff are accused of abuse, how medical neglect is documented or blurred into “non-compliance,” how force reports and grievances are coded, how prison labor and contracts are justified, how auditors are walked through “compliance” checklists. Wardens and line staff may deliver the blows, but Walters’ division designs and maintains the administrative environment that makes those blows disappear into procedure.

Administrative Compliance, which sits under his supervision, is also where grievance rules and many of the operating procedures live. That is the level at which VADOC decides what counts as a “proper” informal, how many hoops a person must jump through, what deadlines apply, what counts as a disqualifying technical error, and how facilities are scored for “compliance” with those rules. Walters may not be the one rejecting individual forms, but the rulebook, the training, and the internal audits that courts later rely on all run through his side of the house.

A colonial economy in bureaucratic dress

Virginia has built an internal colony in its own southwest corner. People from Black and poor communities in Richmond, Tidewater, and Northern Virginia are pulled hundreds of miles into a prison belt in Wise, Buchanan, and Russell counties, stripped of any real political voice, and folded into an economy built around cages. It is a new layer on an old pattern: a state that once ran on enslaved labor and, later, on chain gangs and company coal towns now staffs rural prisons to keep that coercive labor structure alive under another name. In county after county, the same surnames that show up in nineteenth-century slave schedules and land records show up again in the rosters of sheriffs, judges, and corrections officers; families whose names appeared as slaveholders now occupy offices that control confinement.

Inside that belt, prisons function as anchor employers. Entire counties are effectively put on a payroll to guard and break people from the rest of the state: corrections jobs, medical contracts, food and construction vendors, agribusiness, Virginia Correctional Enterprises shops. Walters’ side of the house—financial management, VCE, agribusiness, HR, administrative compliance—sits where all of that is coordinated: the budgets and contracts, the staffing pipelines, the policies that decide who is shipped out of Richmond or Norfolk and who is put to work on which line. His division does not just manage a bureaucracy; it manages the extraction circuit.

That is what makes the Western Region an internal colony rather than just a “poor region” or “periphery.” Wealth and political advantage flow outward, while risk and trauma are concentrated there. Local white-majority workforces are paid to police overwhelmingly Black and brown prisoners from the cities; state funding and federal dollars follow the headcount; and the same offices that profit from the labor also control the paperwork that defines what that labor “is.” Walters sits where the labor system, its staffing, and its paper shield meet, making the plantation economy read as ordinary administration.

Twenty-nine cases and a pattern of impunity

Against that backdrop, Walters’ litigation footprint comes into focus. There are 29 federal cases in Virginia where he appears as a defendant. In most of these cases, Walters is named not for direct acts, but as the senior policy official responsible for the administrative systems being challenged.

Eastern District cases like Webb, Meyers, Perkins, Tyler, and Monzon raise conditions, medical neglect, retaliation, and grievance obstruction tied to policies that flow through Richmond. Western District cases like Mangus, Watson, Barksdale, Reid, Lumumba, Deans, and Chenevert are rooted in the brutal daily reality of Red Onion, Wallens Ridge, and their satellite camps. Routon and related medical-provider suits recur with Walters in the leadership tier that contracted, oversaw, and then defended third-party “correctional health” vendors as abuse and neglect accumulated.

In case after case, Walters is not the counselor or the guard. He is the policy-level defendant, the man whose name stands in for “the people who built this system and refuse to change it.” And in case after case, the claims fail at the threshold—dismissed before factual development, often on exhaustion or immunity grounds. The underlying pattern of labor exploitation, retaliation, and medical neglect remains intact.

Those 29 Walters cases are not happening in a vacuum. During the same 2021–2024 period, Virginia quietly paid out more than $5 million in publicly documented § 1983 settlements and verdicts tied to its prisons: a $1.875 million payment in Boley after a jury found wrongful death from an untreated aneurysm, $1.6 million in Puryear for over-detention, $700,000 in Pfaller for a hepatitis C death, and additional six-figure settlements in Reyes, Lee, NFB-VA, and the Duynes estate. Walters is not named on every caption, but every one of these losses comes out of the same administrative and medical systems he helped oversee. When plaintiffs manage to break through the grievance maze and the PLRA’s procedural traps, the pattern is blunt: the state pays. What changes is not the system, but the titles of the people who keep it running.

Walters’ institutional leverage: the PLRA and the grievance contradiction

This is where the Prison Litigation Reform Act (PLRA) meets Walters’ portfolio. As Deputy Director for Administration, Walters sits over the units that write, “audit,” and defend VADOC’s internal rules—Administrative Compliance, HR, Corrections Administration, Training. Under federal law, people in Virginia’s prisons don’t have any constitutional right to a fair or even functioning grievance system. But under the PLRA, they are barred from federal court unless they navigate every step of whatever grievance maze VADOC chooses to design. That contradiction is a key source of Walters’ institutional leverage.

This system does not require overt conspiracy to function—only the routine maintenance of procedures that courts are trained to defer to. His shop builds the maze, trains staff to run it, declares it “in compliance,” and then watches courts treat that paper system as proof that remedies were “available” when prisoners’ cases get thrown out on exhaustion.

UPROAR has received and shared reports from the Western Region that make “availability” a dark joke. In some pods, the grievance box itself sits behind a painted red line. UPROAR has documented accounts alleging that access to grievance boxes is enforced through threats of force, including reports of less-lethal munitions used to deter approach. On paper, the grievance process remains pristine and “available.” On the ground, it is guarded by threat of physical punishment.

The 29-case docket against Walters lives inside this contradiction. Plaintiffs allege beatings, retaliation, denial of medical care, sexual harassment, grotesque conditions. The cases are met not with real accountability, but with threshold defenses: “failure to exhaust,” “no personal involvement,” “no clearly established right,” “official immunity.” The same system that makes people risk rubber bullets to reach a grievance box is then treated as if it worked flawlessly when courts decide whether they had “available remedies.”

Walters’ role over Administrative Compliance makes him the custodian of this legal fiction. If the grievance maze were redesigned to be simple, safe, and accountable, that would threaten the very mechanism that currently keeps most suits from ever reaching a jury.

Oversight over its own overseers

The OSIG Red Onion report shows how this plays out at scale. After years of reports about beatings, starvation, racist retaliation, and desperate acts of self-harm at Red Onion, the Virginia Office of the State Inspector General issued an investigation report on “conditions of confinement.” VADOC leadership immediately began citing the report as vindication—proof, they claimed, that allegations were “unsubstantiated.”

UPROAR’s public analysis of that report walks through the reality: OSIG relied heavily on VADOC’s own records, accepted the department’s grievance and incident tracking at face value, and treated a long trail of brutality and self-immolation as administratively invisible whenever the paperwork didn’t line up. Where people were too scared to grieve, or where grievances were blocked, delayed, or destroyed, OSIG simply found “no evidence.” That procedural absence was then used as a political shield.

That shield is forged in Walters’ world. Administrative Compliance decides how use-of-force, medical neglect, and retaliation are supposed to be recorded. HR and leadership decide who gets disciplined, who gets promoted, and who keeps running a housing unit after repeated allegations. When outside investigators or courts come knocking, the only “facts” they see first are the ones produced by that system. The reliability of those records traces directly back to the administrative offices Walters oversaw for years.

The result is oversight over its own overseers: the same regime that abuses, starves, and buries people in segregation also supplies the “evidence” that supposedly clears itself. Walters’ career sits right at that junction.

Spanberger’s choice: continuity, not rupture

Chadwick Dotson’s tenure as VADOC Director brought the Western Region’s brutality into sharper public view, but he did not invent it. The abuses documented by prisoners, families, and advocates long predate him. They are the product of a structural arrangement: a carceral plantation economy run through an internal colony in Southwest Virginia, insulated by a grievance and oversight apparatus designed to fail the people it claims to protect.

By elevating Joseph Walters—the overseer of that apparatus—to the top job, Governor Spanberger did not break with that regime. She promoted it. The man whose division manages prison labor and agribusiness now presides over the entire system that profits from that coerced work, and the official whose chain of command runs through Administrative Compliance and HR now has the final word on how VADOC responds to OSIG findings, FOIA pressure, and civil-rights litigation. The defendant in at least 29 federal cases alleging harms under his watch is now the public face of “reform.”

“New boss, same as the old boss” is not a slogan here. It is a description of institutional continuity. Walters’ rise shows that the thing the regime values most is not safety, not accountability, not the lives of the people trapped inside its walls, but the continued smooth operation of a system in which grievances are dangerous or pointless, oversight depends on DOC’s own paperwork, and those who help maintain that impunity are rewarded with promotion.

Virginians who are serious about ending the plantation economy inside their prisons cannot treat Walters’ appointment, or Governor Spanberger’s role in promoting him, as a misunderstanding to be politely corrected. They have to understand it for what it is: a deliberate consolidation of the apparatus that now governs Virginia’s prison crisis. That apparatus takes an internationally reported pattern of racist abuse—punctuated by self-immolations, unexplained deaths in custody, and increasing attacks on guards—and turns it into a “mostly unsubstantiated” administrative mystery.

To confront that system, Virginians must treat Walters and the administration that elevated him not as partners in reform, but as managers of an entrenched regime that chooses impunity over human life. The task then is to learn more, fight harder, and organize on a different scale: to build real inside–outside unity between imprisoned people, their families, and supporters on the street, and to knit together unions, grassroots groups, faith communities, and abolitionist formations into a common front. That kind of unity—across the walls and across movements—is what it will take to break the information monopoly that keeps abuse “unsubstantiated,” to force an end to the most dangerous practices, and to make it politically impossible to keep calling consolidation “reform.”

source: Kevin Rashid Johnson
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Remembering Samuel Ruiz on his 15th Anniversary

Don Samuel Ruiz died 15 years ago, at the age of 86, on January 24th, 2011. El Tatic, as he was known in Chiapas, gave his life not only for the indigenous people of Mexico but also for Central Americans subjected to centuries of exploitation, marginalization, and contempt. He left millions of indigenous people orphaned, whom he defended with social passion and religious fervor. This stance made him an uncomfortable figure, especially for the wealthy in positions of secular power and religious authority, such as Girolamo Prigione, Norberto Rivera, and Juan Sandoval Íñiguez. And for high-ranking Vatican officials, such as Angelo Sodano, Secretary of State, who sided with the Legionaries of Christ and with Augusto Pinochet.

Samuel Ruiz was born in Irapuato in 1924, in the heart of the Bajío region, a region steeped in Catholic conservatism. His religious journey is remarkable, ranging from the Cristero faith of his childhood to the avant-garde renewal of the Second Vatican Council (1962-1965), in which he participated at the young age of 37.

He embraced the boldness of the Medellín Conference (1968), the preferential option for the poor, and the staunch defense of indigenous human rights. Samuel Ruiz is an heir to Fray Bartolomé de Las Casas, the Dominican friar who defended the indigenous people in the 16th century, to the Council, and to liberation theology. Given such clerical opacity, his example should inspire new generations, but today’s priests remain entrenched in the conservatism imposed by Karol Wojtyla and Joseph Ratzinger.

Don Samuel belongs to a golden generation in the history of the Latin American Church and shares the pursuit of social justice alongside legendary bishops such as Hélder Câmara (Brazil), Juan Landázuri (Peru), Leonidas Proaño (Ecuador), Jesús Silva Enríquez (Chile), Óscar Arnulfo Romero (El Salvador), and Sergio Méndez Arceo himself.

It is no coincidence that on February 15th, 2016, Pope Francis, during his visit to Mexico, went to visit his tomb in the Cathedral of San Cristóbal. He brought flowers and prayed silently for several minutes. This gesture undoubtedly reaffirmed and vindicated the legacy of the indigenous bishop.

Let’s return to the timeline. Following the armed uprising in Chiapas in January 1994, numerous media outlets, political and religious figures, and commentators were quick to point to Samuel Ruiz as the main instigator of the insurrection. This is denounced by Carlos Fazio in his book, ‘’Samuel Ruiz, the Wanderer’’ (1994). In his defense, we recall that Don Samuel himself, during the Pope’s brief visit to Mérida in August 1993, warned about the explosive situation in Chiapas; he gave John Paul II a report documenting his concern about an uprising.

The warning was ignored, even labeled as exhibitionism by his own fellow bishops. The historian Jean Meyer, in his book ‘’Samuel Ruiz in San Cristóbal’’ (2000), states that while the Zapatista uprising cannot be attributed to Don Samuel, it also cannot be explained without his historical contribution as head of the Diocese of San Cristóbal. The pastoral work of the diocese trained nearly 100,000 catechists, who undoubtedly swelled the ranks and nurtured the Zapatista movement.

Samuel Ruiz was a man of the Church. He rarely clashed publicly with his fellow bishops, despite profound differences. Don Samuel insisted that the dynamism of his diocese was not the merit of a single person, but of a broad group of religious and lay people.

The Diocese of San Cristóbal de Las Casas experienced a remarkable surge thanks to three factors: a) the priority given to the formation and quantitative growth of catechists, deacons, and indigenous pastoral agents with an inculturation approach; b) the establishment of an open and participatory diocesan governance, moving beyond the rigid, traditionally authoritarian structure; and c) the Diocese of San Cristóbal became a refuge for a significant number of priests, religious, and lay people who, due to their social stances, had been expelled or marginalized from other dioceses.

Samuel Ruiz’s moral authority led him to mediate between the government and the EZLN, preventing further bloodshed. It also aroused resentment and suspicion from both the government and a conservative sector of the Church.

In that fateful year of 1994, fraught with assassinations, succession intrigues, and the crisis of the Salinas administration, Samuel Ruiz was the target of an intense media smear campaign, the epicenter of which was located at the nunciature, then occupied by the nuncio Girolamo Prigione, a sworn enemy of the indigenous bishop.

“What goes to Rome arrives to Rome,” goes the ecclesiastical adage; indeed, Prigione almost succeeded in his removal. On the other hand, there were other sectors within the Mexican Episcopal Conference (CEM), such as Ernesto Corripio, Sergio Obeso, and Bartolomé Carrasco, who supported him. Samuel Ruiz was an exceptional man of the Church. However, despite his passionate social commitment to defending justice and the poor, Samuel Ruiz was conservative in moral matters. Out of conviction and a sense of ecclesial discipline, it must be said, he followed Rome’s dictates on issues such as abortion, homosexuality, and same-sex couples.

His greatest contribution was promoting indigenous theology; that is, the inculturation of the Gospel in the indigenous world and constructing models and figures that prevail as innovative proposals. Don San, we still miss you.

Original article by Bernardo Barranco, La Jornada, January 28th, 2026.
Translated by Schools for Chiapas.
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Down With Operation Kagaar! Support The Indian Peoples’ Struggle For National And Social Liberation!

The National Democratic Front of the Philippines International Office condemns in the strongest terms Operation Kagaar and the Indian reactionary state’s declared objective of making the country “Maoist-free” by March 31, 2026. In pursuit of this objective, the fascist Modi regime is carrying out a genocide against the Adivasi people and a war of annihilation against the fighting Indian masses which reveals the true character of the ongoing military campaign in Adivasi regions: a counterrevolutionary war aimed not merely at armed revolutionary forces, but at the political, social, and material foundations of people’s resistance.

First launched in January 2024, Operation Kagaar is part of a long-running and escalating counterrevolutionary effort to suppress the people’s war in India. Under the banner of achieving a “Maoist-free India,” the Modi government has designated entire Adivasi regions such as Abujhmad in the southern state of Chhattisgarh as “enemy territory.” In practice, this has meant the collective punishment of Adivasi communities whose mineral-rich lands are coveted by big Indian and foreign corporations. Villages are militarized, civilians are treated as combatants, and any assertion of collective rights over land and resources is branded as subversive or terrorist.

The revolutionary struggle of the Indian people arises from concrete and enduring conditions of exploitation and oppression embedded in the semi-feudal and semi-colonial character of Indian society. Vast sections of the population such as Dalits and other scheduled castes, continue to suffer from landlessness, caste oppression, and the violent dispossession imposed by local and foreign capitalist investors. For the Adivasi people in particular, this oppression has taken a distinctly genocidal form for decades. Since the post-independence consolidation of the Indian state in the early 1960s, Adivasi territories have been subjected to continuous militarization, forced displacement and relentless state terror. Counterrevolutionary campaigns from earlier decades such as Salwa Judum (2005-2011) and Operation Green Hunt (2009-2024) to the present-day Operation Kagaar represent successive phases of state terrorism against the Adivasis, Dalits and other scheduled castes, and is precisely what provides the objective basis for the Indian people’s armed revolutionary struggle.

Since the launch of Operation Kagaar in January 2024, the scale of violence has intensified. According to independent estimates, at least 550 individuals identified by the state as Maoists have been killed in the course of the campaign. This includes the killing of Namballa Kesava Rao, known as Comrade Basavaraj, on May 21, 2025. Comrade Basavaraj was the General Secretary of Communist Party of India (Maoist). He was martyred by fascist state security forces alongside 27 other fighters of the People’s Liberation Guerilla Army (PLGA) in the dense Abujhmad forests of Narayanpur district in the state of Chhattisgarh.

This experience closely mirrors that of the Philippines, where successive reactionary regimes, under direct guidance and material support from US imperialism, have launched a series of “counterinsurgency” programs aimed at making the country “insurgency-free.” From one Oplan to another, these campaigns sought the decisive defeat of the revolutionary movement of the Filipino people. Instead, they produced widespread human rights violations and violations of international humanitarian law, the militarization of peasant and indigenous communities, intensified land grabbing and resource extraction, and the further political isolation of these successive regimes from the people

Despite decades of brutal repression, the people’s democratic revolution in the Philippines has endured and advanced, because it is rooted in the concrete struggles of the masses and sustained by their aspirations for national liberation and social justice. The failure of these counterrevolutionary Oplans exposes the fundamental truth that reactionary violence cannot extinguish a revolution born of necessity.

Down with Operation Kagaar!
Support the Indian people’s struggle for national and social liberation!
Long live the PLGA!
Long live the CPI (Maoist)!
Long live international solidarity!

Source : philippinerevolution.nu/statem…

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On Thursday, intense fighting between Ethiopian government forces & Tigrayan rebels broke out.

A brutal civil war between these factions killed hundreds of thousands from 2020 to 2022. Implementing a ceasefire agreed to in November 2022 has been complex. It has led to a breakdown in relations and now outright clashes.

The issue this time...the war could coalesce with the one in Sudan, with Tigrayan forces allied with the Sudanese government, and Ethiopia with the RSF.

aljazeera.com/news/2026/1/29/c…

All power to Ubisoft workers in Halifax, standing up for justice and accountability after the company shut down their workplace right after they unionized.

Ubisoft has taken nearly $1 billion in public subsidies. We need to be loud and clear: No tax dollars for union busters!

globalnews.ca/news/11643365/la…

#cdnpoli #nspoli #halifax #ubisoft #NDP

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Outside Palantir in Chicago

#USPolitics #FuckICE #GlobaliseTheIntifada #SolidarityIsBeautiful

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Comedy gold from the Icelandic Cricket Association 🏏🤣

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