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With absolutely zero evidence. Reckless and dangerous.
kffhealthnews.org/news/article…

In RFK Jr.’s Upside-Down World of Vaccines, Panel Votes To End Hepatitis B Shot at Birth - KFF Health News

A session of a vaccine panel dominated by skeptics was chaotically at odds with past practices of the CDC, which HHS Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. has described as a “cesspool of corruption.
Terry Byrne (KFF Health News)

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“Ukraine’s experience since February 2022 has upended long-held assumptions about the economics of war — from the belief that size and industrial capacity are a guarantee of victory to misunderstandings about mobilisation, logistics and adaptability.”

Ukraine, Europe and the new ec...


Ukraine, Europe and the new economics of war

By maintaining stability and innovating to hold out against Russia, Kyiv has shown that size matters less in conflict than it used to
Elina Ribakova (Financial Times)

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“The lesson is clear. Together, European financing and Ukrainian ingenuity can build an effective deterrent against external threats, even as the US pulls back.”
RE: bsky.app/profile/did:plc:eycg4…

Ulrike Franke

2025-12-07 07:36:58

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“Ukraine’s experience since February 2022 has upended long-held assumptions about the economics of war — from the belief that size and industrial capacity are a guarantee of victory to misunderstandings about mobilisation, logistics and adaptability.”

Ukraine, Europe and the new ec...



Ukraine, Europe and the new economics of war

By maintaining stability and innovating to hold out against Russia, Kyiv has shown that size matters less in conflict than it used to
Elina Ribakova (Financial Times)

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What has Germany’s position been on Israel’s genocide in Gaza?
https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2025/12/7/what-has-germanys-position-been-on-israels-genocide-in-gaza?utm_source=flipboard&utm_medium=activitypub

Posted into Economy @economy-AlJazeera


What has Germany’s position been on Israel’s genocide in Gaza?

Germany is Israel’s second-largest arms supplier, fifth-largest export partner, and one of its staunchest supporters.
Mohammed Haddad (Al Jazeera)

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Sensitive content

This entry was edited (11 minutes ago)

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"Deliveries of organic molecules from space have long been hypothesized as a source of the inventory of the first life on Earth. This hypothesis is strengthened by detections of two of life’s fundamental building blocks in pristine samples returned by spacecraft from the carbonaceous asteroids"

Bio-essential sugars in sample...


Bio-essential sugars in samples from asteroid Bennu - Nature Geoscience

Samples returned from asteroid Bennu contain bio-essential sugars such as ribose and glucose that may have formed in the parent asteroid from brines containing formaldehyde, according to a geochemical study.
Nature

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US State Department Travel Warning on Venezuela
counterpunch.org/2025/12/07/us…

"Following his earlier threat that Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro’s days are numbered, US President Donald Trump announced on social media he was closing Venezuelan airspace. He then immodestly proclaimed the “Trump Corollary” to the Monroe Doctrine, commending his nineteenth century predecessor for presciently envisioning “a


US State Department Travel Warning on Venezuela

Roger Harris (CounterPunch.org)

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On the Coloniality of Solidarity: Iran, Imperialist Aggression, and the Western Left’s Blind Spot


Western Marxism, as Ponce de León and Rockhill (Citation2024) note in their introduction to Domenico Losurdo’s Western Marxism, has long been characterized by ‘the dogmatic rejection of actually existing socialism’ and a neglect of national liberation and anti-colonial struggles. This is not an intellectual quirk, it is a structural feature: it treats the fight for sovereignty in the Global South as a secondary matter – at best a distraction, at worst a reactionary detour. The logics behind this are rooted in Eurocentrism and sustained by the material privileges of the imperialist core – what Lenin (Citation1916) identified as a bribed ‘upper stratum’ of the working class, made possible by ‘super profits’ from colonial exploitation that ‘foster, give shape to, and strengthen opportunism’. Lenin’s century-old warning remains relevant: monopoly profits from the periphery create a privileged layer in the core whose interests align with the maintenance of imperialism.

It is from within this material and ideological context that much of Western academic Marxism operates, producing a safe Marxism that is critical of capitalism in theory, but carefully avoids solidarity with those confronting it at its most violent frontiers. This tendency has political consequences. It leads to selective solidarity, where, as Ajl (Citation2025) argues, oppressed peoples are abstracted from the states and institutions that make their survival possible. It encourages an unexamined hostility to the Global South state – hostility that, in practice, mirrors the objectives of hegemonic powers that seek to destroy those same state structures – through imperialist military assault and economic interventions, including sanctions, structural adjustment, and trade/tariff wars. This tendency also feeds a habit of moral judgment against nationalist movements that do not fit the imagined – Eurocentric or colonial – model of ‘pure’ liberation.

Garrido (Citation2024) has described this tendency as a ‘purity fetish’ that forgets ‘that socialism does not exist in the abstract, that it must be concretized in the conditions and history of the peoples who have won the struggle for political power’. This fetish, he argues, produces an armchair radicalism that refuses to support actually existing struggles if they fail to meet imagined ideological benchmarks. In the case of Iran, such purity politics feed into the coloniality of Western solidarity – granting sympathy to ‘the people’, or worse ‘some of the people’, while rejecting the state and institutions that make their survival possible.

The June 2025 US–Zionist aggression against Iran, launched in the shadow of Israel’s genocide in Gaza, offers a concrete case study of what is at stake when that solidarity is absent, and why the national question remains central to socialist politics. Publicly, the Zionist assailants framed their aggression as a preemptive strike against Iranian nuclear ambitions. In reality – in both its aims and its conduct – it was an attempt at regime change and state collapse: the elimination of what they saw as the backbone of support for the Palestinian resistance and the most consistent anti-imperialist state in West Asia. The nuclear issue was a pretext, with the real goal, as Professor Marandi (Citation2025) contends, being ‘to remove Iran from the regional equation, [and] to break the backbone of the Palestinian resistance’.

The US–Zionist assault on Iran is the sharp edge of a broader imperialist strategy to strangle independent nations, seize control of West Asia’s resources, and crush the emerging multipolar world order. For over 70 years – since the 1953 coup against Mohammad Mosaddegh – Washington has wielded coups, sanctions, proxy wars, and military threats to keep Iran under its thumb. Today, Iran stands as a linchpin of resistance: a sovereign state that refuses to submit, anchors the Axis of Resistance, and builds deep strategic alliances with China, Russia, and the Global South as it promotes multipolarity and regional leadership (Wu and Moshirzadeh Citation2025). Its integration into BRICS and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, its role in Eurasian transport corridors, and its leadership in de-dollarization efforts represent a direct challenge to the US petrodollar system – the financial lifeline of empire. Recent US involvement in the Zangezur Corridor dispute between Azerbaijan and Armenia appears to constitute a deliberate effort to sever Iran’s direct land access to Armenia – a historically significant strategic partner and a critical conduit for Tehran’s trade with the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU). This maneuver seeks not only to diminish Iran’s regional influence and constrain its strategic presence in the South Caucasus but also to marginalize its function as a pivotal node in regional logistics and energy transit networks. Furthermore, such actions may be interpreted as part of a broader strategy to obstruct potential infrastructure frameworks facilitating connectivity between Iran, China, and Russia.

This latest aggression on Iran, however, is not born of imperial strength but rather of imperial decline. US economic supremacy is rotting from within, its military overstretched and its control over the world’s trade and finance shaken by new centers of power. Eurasia’s integration – energy pipelines, railways, and trade routes bypassing US chokepoints – threatens to make the empire irrelevant. Iran’s defiance embodies a future in which nations refuse the dictates of Washington and Tel Aviv, choosing cooperation over coercion.

The war on Iran is thus a war on the very idea that the world can be organized on principles other than imperialist plunder. In resisting this assault, Iran is not only defending its own sovereignty, it is helping to midwife a multipolar order that could finally bury the unipolar tyranny of the US–Zionist project.

Beyond military force, the US–Zionist aggression on Iran is sustained by a politics of confusion and a propaganda machine that manufacture consent for genocide. For the Global North’s Left to effectively challenge imperialism, it must win the cognitive warfare – countering dominant narratives and exposing the material realities behind the attack on Iran. Recognizing the high stakes of this imperialist aggression requires building active support for the Iranian state including through rigorous knowledge production, grassroots organizing, and mobilization. Yet purity politics and the coloniality embedded in Western solidarity continue to undermine these efforts, disarming the Left when genuine solidarity is most urgently needed.

Tracing the Roots of the Coloniality of Solidarity: The National Liberation Blindspot


The failures of socialist internationalism in confronting colonial oppression have deep historical roots, particularly within the legacy of the Second International. Although the Second International ostensibly united workers across borders, it notoriously collapsed into European nationalism during World War I when most European social democratic parties supported their respective imperialist states’ war efforts. This moment exposed how the material privileges derived from colonialism had created a labor aristocracy within the imperial centers, a privileged layer of workers whose interests aligned with maintaining imperialist exploitation rather than challenging it (Foster Citation2024). Trade unions tied to the Second International thus often became complicit in upholding colonial domination, reflecting an entrenched Eurocentrism that framed anti-colonial struggles as secondary or reactionary.

Zhun Xu’s analysis deepens this critique by showing how the retreat from Marxist theories of imperialism in the postwar and neoliberal eras has facilitated a resurgence of Second International politics – an ideological position that downplays imperialism’s structural violence and undermines genuine solidarity with anti-colonial struggles. Xu (Citation2021) argues that this shift has led many leftists to prioritize reformist or liberal-capitalist agendas within imperial centers, framing anti-colonial resistance as marginal or reactionary. By rejecting the centrality of imperialism as a global system of class exploitation, contemporary left-wing discourse weakens support for national liberation movements and perpetuates coloniality within leftist politics.

Lenin’s writings from 1916 to 1920, including his ‘Preliminary Draft Theses on the National and Colonial Questions’ and speeches to the Comintern, emphasized that imperialism was not simply inter-imperialist rivalry but fundamentally a system of global class exploitation, where monopoly capital from a few wealthy nations plundered colonies and semi-colonies, sustaining an international order of oppression and dependency. This framework highlighted the essential role of supporting national liberation movements as integral to socialist revolution, a lesson since largely ignored or distorted by much of Western Marxism.

This coloniality of solidarity endemic to Western Marxism was further exemplified by the French Communist Party’s (FCP) refusal to back the Algerian National Liberation Front during Algeria’s anti-colonial war (1954–1962). As Elias Murqos documented in his 1959 work The French Communist Party and the Algerian Cause, the FCP consistently subordinated the Algerian liberation struggle to its own political interests within France, denying the revolution’s organized and national character and instead framing it as isolated instance of violence or premature unrest (Jabbour Citation2025). Rather than embracing the FLN as the legitimate representative of Algerian self-determination, Jabbour points out how the FCP pursued a ‘moderate colonizer’ position – advocating for reforms and equality within the colonial framework while ultimately maintaining French nationalist priorities (Jabbour Citation2025). This amounted to a paternalistic and racist stance that sought to domesticate and weaken the revolutionary movement, illustrating how the FCP’s Marxist rhetoric masked a deeper commitment to preserving French imperial power. The party’s reluctance to fully endorse Algerian independence – initially justified in terms of Algeria being a ‘nation in formation’ and later by alleged fears of US imperialism, mirrored broader failures of the Western Left to transcend Eurocentric biases and colonial imbrication.

One of the most glaring and damaging blind spots within the contemporary Left has been its failure to shift from viewing Palestinians only as victims to agents of their own liberation, most notably manifested as a reluctance to seriously engage with Palestinian resistance factions as key actors in the struggle against settler colonialism. Too often, leftist solidarity with Palestine is reduced to sanitized rhetoric that demands purely secular, ‘socially progressive’ alternatives, while dismissing the working-class nature of Hamas’ resistance or excluding Hamas as a reactionary or regressive force. This selective solidarity not only distorts Palestinian realities but also reproduces imperialist frameworks that seek to delegitimize the very resistance they claim to support. As Abdaljawad (Citation2024) incisively argues, authentic solidarity requires reckoning with the political forces that actually lead the fight on the ground. The central fault line in Palestinian politics, he contends, is not over secularism or ideology, but between those committed to defiant resistance and those invested in accommodation with colonial domination. By refusing to acknowledge armed resistance as a necessary and valid form of anti-colonial struggle, much of the Western Left inadvertently has become complicit in sustaining colonial oppression, and thus demonstrating the persistent coloniality within leftist internationalism.

This ongoing coloniality of solidarity is powerfully evident in the Western Left’s response to Iran’s confrontation with imperialist aggression. Just as genuine solidarity with Palestine requires a dialectical understanding of how imperialist settler-colonial violence shapes the material conditions of resistance – and the recognition of movements like Hamas as legitimate anti-colonial actors – solidarity with Iran must also confront the reality of a nation under siege for decades, where defending the state is central to resisting imperialist domination. Failing to appreciate these complexities risks replicating imperialist narratives that erode anti-colonial sovereignty and weaken the broader global struggle against imperialism. With this foundation, we now turn to a detailed analysis of the Zionist-imperialist assault on Iran and its wider implications for anti-imperialist solidarity.

Anatomy of the Zionist-Imperialist Assault on Iran


US and Israeli planners expected their aggression to be short and decisive, leveraging overwhelming firepower to paralyze Iranian defenses and trigger political collapse. This expectation was based on a familiar pattern from imperialist wars in the region: massive initial bombardments, quick destruction of command-and-control structures, and the cultivation of internal dissent to topple governments. The model was Iraq in 2003 – decapitation, occupation, and restructuring under a compliant client regime. But this model imploded after October 7, 2023, with the Al Aqsa flood operation successfully challenging Zionist-imperialist military might and maintaining command and control despite the superior capabilities of the imperialist enemy. Furthermore, Iran is not Iraq in 2003. It is not even Iraq in 1991. Iran has spent decades preparing for precisely this type of confrontation.

The initial Blitzkrieg, which took out scores of Iranian top military leaders and nuclear scientists, coupled with coordinated cyber-attacks and a campaign of intimidation against Iran’s political and military leadership, failed to achieve its intended goals. Rather than spreading terror, sowing confusion, and fomenting social unrest, Iranian society rallied around the flag, and the Iranian state exhibited a high degree of composure, organizational depth, adaptability, and resilience.

Within hours, replacements for the assassinated military leaders were announced and the first phase of ‘Operation True Promise 3’ was underway. Instead of a Pavlovian reaction, Iran’s response was calculated, measured, and proportionate. The Iranian riposte relied largely on older drones and missiles, preserving its most advanced systems, while still overwhelming the multi-layered air defense umbrella the collective West put in place to shield its colonial outpost. ‘By the end’, Marandi observed, ‘nine out of ten Iranian missiles got through.’ This was not simply a matter of brute firepower, but of intelligence, planning, and an acute understanding of the Zionist settler colony’s weaknesses.

The United States, meanwhile, burned through nearly a quarter of its Tomahawk stockpile – some 800 to 850 missiles – in less than two weeks. This was an unsustainable expenditure for what had been envisioned as a short, high-intensity campaign. It exposed the logistical strains of maintaining US military dominance in multiple theaters at once, from Ukraine to the South China Sea. Iran’s strategic restraint, its choice to hold back advanced systems, sent a message: we can fight longer than you can, and we haven’t even shown our full hand. The war ended with Iran’s command-and-control structures intact, its military standing firm, and without the political fracture or fallen government that Washington had hoped to provoke. Far from being destabilized, Iran emerged more confident, openly preparing for the next war, reinforcing air defenses, and deepening military cooperation with Russia and China.

The aggression against Iran was inseparable from the genocide in Gaza. For Tehran, this was not a peripheral issue. Support for Palestinian liberation is not a bargaining chip in regional diplomacy; it is a matter of principle and a defining feature of Iran’s geopolitical identity. This commitment – material as well as rhetorical – puts Iran at odds with the entire imperialist-Zionist project in West Asia. It also exposes the hypocrisy of Western human rights discourse, which condemns civilian casualties when inflicted by official enemies, but excuses or justifies them when carried out by allied settler-colonial, imperialist states. The same Western capitals that speak of a ‘rules-based order’ and ‘the protection of civilians’ have financed and armed the Zionist entity’s deliberate and systematic destruction of Gaza’s hospitals, schools, agricultural land, and water infrastructure.

Iran’s stance here is not unique in the history of national liberation movements. From the expressions of anti-colonial solidarity enshrined in the Bandung Conference (Citation1955) and Tricontinental Conference (Citation1966) conferences, to China’s and the Soviet Union’s support for Global South anti-colonial struggles, to Cuba’s role in Angola, the link between anti-colonial sovereignty and support for other liberation struggles has been a constant. Iran is taking up the mantle of anti-colonial solidarity, providing meaningful support through arms, technology, and training, rather than engage in purely symbolic acts.

Beyond the Coloniality of Solidarity: Why Defending the Global South State Matters


Overcoming the coloniality of solidarity constitutes a formidable challenge, necessitating rigorous self-reflexivity, a deliberate interrogation of material positionality, and a conscious recalibration of ideological dispositions. The binary oppositions between ‘regimes’ and ‘peoples’ in the Global South – once a central analytical framework within comparative political science in the imperialist core – have been uncritically adopted and normalized among certain leftist formations in the Global North. This discursive tendency manifests in prevailing attitudes toward states such as Iran, Nicaragua, Cuba, Zimbabwe, China, Syria, and Venezuela, where reductive categorizations persist.

This is the point at which Ajl’s cautionary argument, in relation to Iran, assumes critical significance: ‘By separating “the regime” from “the people”, the US–Israeli propaganda justifies state collapse in the name of the people. You cannot defend a people by adopting the rhetoric used to justify their destruction’ (Ajl Citation2025). This separation, now common in Western Left discourse, fetishizes an abstract ‘people’ while rejecting the actual institutions that make their survival possible. In the Global South, and in Iran in particular, patriotism can be a working-class ideology because the state is the shield against imperialist dismemberment. It is the state that funds hospitals, operates power grids, sustains education systems, and maintains the armed forces capable of defending those functions. To demand solidarity with ‘the people’ while refusing to defend the state is, in effect, to adopt the imperial premise. It mimics imperialist discourses that those institutions are illegitimate and expendable.

The material role of the Global South state in resisting de-development, the process by which imperialist powers seek to dismantle the economic sovereignty of targeted nations, is inseparable from the military question. Iran’s military-industrial capacity, developed under sanctions and siege, is part of a broader strategy of self-reliance. This is why it can produce its own missiles, drones, and even civilian infrastructure components. The destruction of that capacity, through war or sanctions, would not liberate the Iranian people. It would subject them to the dependency and poverty that follow imperialist ‘reconstruction’.

The Zionist-imperialist 12-Day War did not just fail to achieve its objectives, it reshaped the regional balance of power. Israel’s willingness to strike anyone, including groups it had previously cultivated as proxies, revealed that loyalty bought no security. Erdogan’s quiet facilitation of Israeli aims, even through contact with and material support for al-Qaeda-linked factions, underscored this reality. Arab states that had once hoped for accommodation with Tel Aviv began to reconsider, some privately acknowledged Iran’s military and political victory.

For the Gulf monarchies, the lesson was sobering. If Israel could not decisively defeat Iran in a concentrated war, then aligning fully with US–Israeli strategy carried risks. It could provoke conflict without guaranteeing protection. This recognition has opened new diplomatic opportunities for Tehran, particularly with states wary of being caught in another Western-designed regional conflagration.

The war must also be understood within the context of a shifting global order. Iran’s alliances with Russia and China are not opportunistic, they are part of a long-term strategy to build a multipolar front against US hegemony. By arming and training resistance movements from Lebanon to Yemen, Tehran ensures that imperialist control is contested across multiple fronts. Russia’s support is often pragmatic and limited by its own interests, but the exchange of military technology between Moscow and Tehran has strengthened both. China’s role, while less visible militarily, is critical in sustaining Iran’s economic lifelines through trade and investment. These relationships – military, economic, and political – are what allow Iran to resist total isolation, even under the heaviest sanctions regime in the world.

The United States, for its part, faces an increasingly overstretched empire. The stalemate in Ukraine, the inability to subdue Gaza, Hezbollah’s resilience in Lebanon, and the failure to crush Ansar’Allah in Yemen all signal the limits of US military power. The 12-Day War added another layer to this pattern of strategic frustration.

For Marxists in the imperial core, the lesson is not abstract. To reduce Iran’s victory to a nationalist or ‘merely geopolitical’ episode is to miss the central contradiction of our epoch: imperialism versus the sovereignty of oppressed nations. The war demonstrated that anti-imperialist states could survive and even strengthen under coordinated assault from the US and its ‘allies’. It showed that imperialism’s technological advantage is not invincible, and that political will, strategic preparation, and mass mobilization can blunt its force.

Conclusion


While it is accurate to assert that the imperialist campaign against Iran seeks regime change and the potential collapse of the state, its ultimate objective lies in the defeat of the Islamic Revolution and, by extension, the ‘pacification’ and dismantling of what remains the only extant liberation project in the Arab–Iranian region. Over the past five decades, the Islamic Revolution has assumed the mantle of anti-imperialism and regional liberation, a role previously held by Arab socialism. The decline of the latter was rapidly followed by the rise of the former. As the Arab nationalist and Arab socialist project was being systematically neutralized, particularly through mechanisms such as the Camp David Accords, the locus of regional liberation shifted to Iran.

While Egypt was reaping the so-called ‘peace dividends’, Iran institutionalized support for the Palestinian cause by embedding it permanently within the state budget. Concurrently, as the Zionist settler colony inaugurated an embassy in Cairo, both its embassy and that of its imperial patron were closed in Tehran. Whether articulated in religious language, such as the Islamic Revolution’s designation of the United States as ‘The Great Satan’, or in secular Marxist terms, such as Mao Tse-Tung’s formulation of the ‘Primary Contradiction’, the central referent remains consistent: imperialism.

This clear identification of imperialism as the principal source of the masses’ subjugation and dispossession, and the effort to cultivate a political consciousness in opposition to it, particularly at a moment when total imperialist dominance in the region seemed imminent, is what provokes the intense hostility and aggression of imperialist powers toward Iran. Amílcar Cabral’s warning still applies: ‘If imperialism exists and is trying simultaneously to dominate the working class in all the advanced countries and smother the national liberation movements in all the underdeveloped countries, then there is only one enemy against whom we are fighting’ (Cabral Citation2025). To act on this understanding requires abandoning the selective solidarity that condemns imperialist violence in the abstract while refusing to defend those institutions – states, armies, movements, and infrastructures – that make resistance possible.

Iran’s defiance in the face of the latest phase of imperialist assault, and the survival of its state under siege, is not the end of the struggle – it is a chapter in a longer process of resisting imperialism. It confirms that the fight for socialism in the twenty-first century is inseparable from the fight for sovereignty, and that the state, far from being a relic or an obstacle, is often the essential vehicle for that struggle in the Global South. The road to human emancipation today runs not only through the streets of Paris or New York, but also through the skies over Tehran, the waters of Yemen, the hills of South Lebanon, and the rubble of Gaza. Today, human emancipation requires a Marxism that is not afraid to stand with those fighting imperialism in practice, even when their forms of governance or ideological traditions do not fit the sanitized templates of Western theory. Anything less is not solidarity. It is, at best, surrender; and at worst, collaboration.

Originally published in Taylor and Francis Online.

Found in Black Agenda Report

abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=…

#antiColonialism #antiImperialism #iran #westAsia

On the Coloniality of Solidarity: Iran, Imperialist Aggression, and the Western Left’s Blind Spot | Black Agenda Report

The 'pure' leftism of the Western academy denounces Iran's state while ignoring its real crime: defying imperialism. This selective solidarity has become a weapon of empire, disarming the very movements it claims to support.
Brahim Rouabah (Black Agenda Report)

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Hamas: Abu Shabab’s Inevitable Fate Awaits all Traitors


Hamas issued a strong statement Thursday following the killing of Gaza’s most infamous gangster, Yasser Abu Shabab, calling his death “the inevitable fate of anyone who betrays their people and homeland.”

The movement praised the families and clans who had disowned Abu Shabab and withdrawn any tribal protection from him and his group, describing this stance as a crucial barrier that stands in the face of efforts aimed at fragmenting Gaza’s internal unity.

Hamas said that “Israel’s” reliance on “discredited gangs” to advance its agenda only underscores its failure in the face of Palestinian steadfastness, noting that an occupation unable to protect its own agents cannot shield those who serve it.

Israeli media, which described Abu Shabab’s killing in Rafah as “bad for Israel,” reported that authorities are “investigating whether Hamas operatives infiltrated Abu Shabab’s area of control and carried out the assassination.”

Israeli Army Radio noted that senior army officials had opposed the idea of forming militias that collaborate with “Israel” in Gaza, warning that “their fate is inevitable, that is, death,” citing the failed South Lebanon experiment as proof.

Militia leader meets Kushner


According to Israeli Kan Channel, Abu Shabab had met with US envoy Jared Kushner on November 11 at the US command headquarters in southern occupied Palestine, where they discussed the role of his forces in areas outside Hamas’ control.

Abu Shabab, who the Gaza government had imprisoned on charges of theft and drug offenses, escaped from prison following an Israeli raid early in the 2023 escalation, later becoming the head of the militia collaborating with the Israeli occupation in Gaza.

Israeli Army Radio reported that “Israel” had supplied weapons to militia members, many of which were originally seized from Hamas inside Gaza, including Kalashnikov rifles, before being transferred to the militia operating mainly in the Rafah area.

Who is Abu Shabab?


Yasser Abu Shabab rose to prominence as the leader of a new armed group known as Popular Forces, operating primarily in the Rafah area of southern Gaza. The Popular Forces are widely described in international reporting and analysis as an “Israeli‑backed militia”.

Abu Shabab’s background reportedly includes previous criminal activity, including drug trafficking, charges for which he had been imprisoned before the outbreak of war. After his release (and amid the chaos of war), he positioned himself as an alternative power center to Hamas, leveraging clan and tribal connections in a context of the collapse of centralized authority.

Under his leadership, the Popular Forces have been accused of systematically looting humanitarian aid entering Gaza, particularly trucks bringing supplies into Rafah and nearby crossings. Observers argue that this looting and the armed group’s ability to operate, reportedly with weapons, vehicles, and logistical support, are only possible because of backing from “Israel”, making Abu Shabab’s militia effectively a proxy force.

abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=…

#alAqsaFlood #gaza #hamas #palestine #resistance #westAsia

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TKP-ML TİKKO Command: The Fascist Indian State Will Be Destroyed; The Indian New Democratic Revolution Will Win!


The Fascist Indian State Will Be Destroyed; The Indian New Democratic Revolution Will Win!

The People’s Liberation Guerrilla Army, which is continuing the People’s War with great perseverance and determination for the victory of the new democratic revolution, is completing its 25th year of struggle. We, the commanders and fighters of the Workers and Peasants Liberation Army of Turkey, celebrate the anniversary of the founding of the People’s Liberation Guerrilla Army (PLGA), led by the Communist Party of Indian (Maoist), which is the fighting force of all oppressed laborers, oppressed nations and nationalities, women, and youth, especially the workers and peasants of India. We salute all the fighters and command structure of the People’s Liberation Guerrilla Army with our most sincere revolutionary feelings.

The red flag waving in the depths of the forests, on the peaks of the mountains, on the roof of South Asia heralds the future of humanity. The People’s War, launched under the leadership of Comrade Charu Mazumdar, the great leader of the Indian revolution, together with the Naxalbari uprising, has come to the present day through different stages, difficult paths, and twisting trails.

We know that in the struggle for New Democratic Revolution, Socialism, and Communism, the Indian Revolution passed great tests and held high the red flag of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. The People’s War struggle lost thousands of fighters, members, and cadres. However, it never gave up its determination to continue the revolutionary war. And that is why it trained tens of thousands more fighters, members, and cadres. It became the hope of the Indian people, the oppressed Dalits, and the Adivasis.

Today, the People’s War in India is going through a very difficult process. The Brahmanical Hindutva fascist RSS-BJP regime has increased its attacks on the Indian people. In a massacre attempt called “Operation Kagaar”, 850,000 police, commandos, Indian army and air force personnel were mobilized against the People’s Liberation Guerrilla Army forces as part of this operation. The aim of “Operation Kagaar” is clear. They plan to encircle and destroy the guerrilla forces.

Faced with the fascist “Kagaar war”, the sons and daughters of India, the brave fighters and commanders of the People’s Liberation Guerrilla Army, are responding with heroic resistance, determination, and counterattacks they have developed. In this war, 320 comrades have been martyred in the last year, including Comrade Basavaraj, General Secretary of the CPI (Maoist), members of the Central Committee, members of the Regional Committee, and PLGA commanders. Most recently, we learned that Comrade Madvi Hidma, a member of the Central Committee and one of the commanders of the PLGA, was captured unarmed and brutally murdered. Undoubtedly, the losses suffered over the past year are heavy and, in terms of their consequences, irreparable.

No matter how heavy the losses and the price paid, we know that the wheel of history always turns forward. The losses suffered can only create a bend in the path of the Indian revolution’s march to victory, but they cannot stop it.

Those who eat the people’s bread but betray the people’s hope for liberation, who surrender the people’s and the revolution’s weapons to the fascist Indian government, and who call for a life of dishonor—the clique of Sonu and Satish—will also take their cursed place in history. The workers and peasants of India will never forget that photo took by the fascist rulers of the Indian state while their own children were heroically fighting and dying as martyrs. In accordance with the dialectical flow of history, on one side heroism and glorious resistance are displayed, while on the other side stands the despair of fear and discouragement. Sonu and Satish, the clique of traitors, will spend the rest of their lives in shame under the weight of their cowardice. We have no doubt that the bright path of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism will triumph over the ideological chaos that this clique of traitors has tried to create in the ranks of the revolution.

As imperialists and their local collaborator governments prepare for a new war of partition, their greatest fear is that Armed People’s Uprisings and People’s Wars will break the imperialist capitalist chain in their places. That is why imperialists and governments under their control, while allocating enormous budgets to armament and using developing technology to produce more deadly weapons, have launched a massive wave of attacks to disarm workers, peasants, and the oppressed peoples of the world.

As Comrade Mao Zedong clearly stated, “without a people’s army, the people have nothing.” They are attempting to deprive the oppressed of their own liberation armies and strip them of their right to use force. But these efforts are futile.

While reformists, revisionists, and all kinds of left-looking movements with a conciliatory line are accelerating their ideological attacks by claiming that the era of armed struggle is over, on the other hand, they are carrying out campaigns of destruction and genocide, as they did against the New People’s Army in the Philippines and the resistance movements in Palestine. The “Kagaar Operation” is part of this attack unfolding worldwide. And this attack will be answered by the anti-imperialist struggles of the oppressed peoples of the world and the united international resistance of the proletariat.

In light of these developments, we celebrate the 25th year of struggle of our sister army, the People’s Liberation Guerrilla Army, fighting with great determination under the leadership of the CPI (Maoist), and we reiterate that absolute victory will belong to the workers and peasants of India, and that Indian fascism cannot escape the fate that awaits it.

Comrade Basavaraj, Comrade Madvi Hidma, and the Martyrs of the People’s War in India are Immortal!

Long live the Communist Party of India (Maoist)!

Long live the People’s Liberation Guerrilla Army!

Long live Marxism-Leninism-Maoism!

November 30, 2025

TKP-ML TİKKO Command

Source : tkpml.com/tkp-ml-tikko-command…


abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=…

#asia #india #tikko #tkpml #turkey #westAsia

mastodon - Link to source

Just finished watching this Chinese animated movie: en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nobody_(…

It is really good. Great art, at times actually funny, and a solid story. It takes place as a parallel storyline to Journey to the West with four yaoguai pretending to be the monk Tang Sanzang and his three companions in order to scam some food and possibly immortality. It's got heart. Check it out.

youtube.com/watch?v=59WTgd35Qy…


𝑵𝑶𝑩𝑶𝑫𝒀 International Trailer | 《浪浪山小妖怪》国际预告

👻 𝑵𝑶𝑩𝑶𝑫𝒀 — Official Trailer is here!📢 Langlang Mountain Weather Update:⚡ High energy alert ahead!Four little monsters are leaving the mountain, rushi...
CMC Pictures (YouTube)
This entry was edited (22 minutes ago)
in reply to HiroProtagonist

mastodon - Link to source

shortstories

Daoist rejection of grain

The avoidance of "grain" signifies the Daoist rejection of common social practices. According to Kohn, "It is a return to a time in the dawn of humanity when there were as yet no grains; it is also a return to a more primitive and simple way of eating."

[54]Daoist bigu practices created excuses to quit the agricultural-based Chinese society in which grains were necessary for basic food, ancestral sacrifices, and tax payments:

Wikipedia

Bigu

wordpress - Link to source

Secretary-General of Hezbollah, Sheikh Naim Qassem, Statement During Hezbollahg Festival


This enemy is an expansionist enemy; it has not adhered to the agreement, and its aggressions are constant. This is not due to the presence of Hezbollah’s weapons, but rather with the aim of gradually establishing the occupation of Lebanon and drawing “Greater ‘israel'” through the gateway of Lebanon.

America has no relation to weapons, nor to defense strategy, nor to the disagreements among Lebanese.

They want to disarm, dry up financial sources, prevent services, close schools and hospitals, and they practice a policy of preventing reconstruction and donations, and demolishing homes.

Do you want to convince us that the issue is only disarmament, and then the situation in Lebanon will be resolved?

No one in the world can prevent the capability of defense, and this is a foregone conclusion. Let them try that with the defeated, not with us.

The participation of a civilian delegation in the mechanism committee violates the basic condition that stipulated a cessation of hostilities by the enemy. You have offered a free concession that will change nothing in the enemy’s stance or its aggression.

The civilian delegation went and met, and then pressure increased, and aggressions increased, and ‘israel’ wants to tell the Lebanese: We want you under fire.

This measure is an additional blunder added to the blunder of August 5.

We in Hezbollah have done our part, and we have enabled the state to impose its sovereignty within the framework of the agreement, and be certain: when we unite, they cannot do anything.

Identifying with “‘israel'” means piercing the ship… and then everyone will drown.

abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=…

#guerrilla #hezbollah #lebanon #palestine #resistance #westAsia

mastodon - Link to source

Je fais écouter Barcelona aux enfants et je trouve que ça sonne très morceau de Noël

youtu.be/Y1fiOJDXA-E


Freddie Mercury & Montserrat Caballé - Barcelona (Original David Mallet Video 1987 Remastered)

REMASTERED IN 4K!The ‘Never Boring’ box set out NOW!. Order here: https://freddiemercury.lnk.to/NeverBoring2019Click here to buy Freddie Mercury – Messenger ...
Freddie Mercury Solo (YouTube)

wordpress - Link to source

Fierce Clash Breaks Out Between Security Personnel And Alleged Maoists Along Bijapur-Dantewada Inter-District Border


Twelve persons believed to be cadres of the Maoist party and three personnel of the District Reserve Guard (DRG), a specialized unit of the state police, were killed in a fierce exchange of fire in the West Bastar division area along the Bijapur–Dantewada inter-district border on Wednesday, Inspector General of Police (Bastar Range) Sundarraj Pattilingam announced to the press today.

According to the IGP, two DRG personnel also sustained injuries in the skirmish and their conditions were stated to be out of danger. They have been admitted in a hospital for immediate medical attention.

As per the IGP’s report, the gun battle broke out in a forest along the border of Bijapur-Dantewada districts when a joint team of security personnel was out on an anti-Maoist operation. Personnel belonging to the DRG from Dantewada and Bijapur, and Special Task Force, both units of the state police, and CoBRA (Commando Battalion for Resolute Action- an elite unit of CRPF) were involved in the operation.

The operation was planned following intelligence inputs concerning the presence of Maoists operating in the area. Additional reinforcement has been rushed into the area and efforts are on to cordon off the region, as the forces have intensified the search operation in and around the encounter scene, the IGP told the press.

So far, the bodies of 12 individuals purported to be Maoists have been recovered from the encounter spot, but their identities have yet to be established, the IGP stated in his prepared remarks, adding that a large cache of weapons including AK-47 rifles, Self Loading Rifles, Light Machine Gun, INSAS assault rifles, .303 rifles, explosives and other items of use by the Maoists have also been seized from the site.

In conclusion, the IGP stated that detailed information will be shared after the combing operation is over, adding that the identification process of the recovered bodies of the alleged Maoists will be carried out after the operation concludes, and that there remains a possibility of recovering more bodies of persons suspected to be Maoists from the area of the encounter.

According to the police the area where the gunfight occurred is stated to be the epicenter of activity of the CPI (Maoist).

Source : newindianexpress.com/nation/20…

Source : telanganatoday.com/chhattisgar…


abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=…

#asia #guerrilla #india #maoist #naxal #resistance

Chhattisgarh: 12 Naxals, 3 DRG cops killed in encounter in Bijapur; Maoists toll at 275 so far

Twelve Naxalites and three DRG personnel were killed in a major encounter in Chhattisgarh’s Bijapur district, with two others injured.
PTI (Telangana Today)

wordpress - Link to source

42 Years of the EZLN, “One of the Hearts of the Anti-capitalist Movement”


The Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) recently celebrated its 42nd anniversary, marking its founding on November 17th, 1983, when a group established a camp in the Lacandon Jungle to begin the first stage of organizing the movement in indigenous communities of Chiapas.

This silent movement burst onto the world stage a little over a decade later when it took up arms on January 1st, 1994, to demonstrate its radical opposition to the implementation of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) signed by Canada, the United States, and Mexico, then governed by Carlos Salinas de Gortari, the political emblem of the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI).

Since then, the EZLN has shaken the global political scene by proposing an ideology that, contrary to the long tradition of Latin American guerrilla organizations, did not aim to seize control of the state apparatus but—in the words of the intellectual John Holloway, who masterfully defined it in a resounding phrase—”to change the world without taking power.” Three decades ago, on a continent dominated by neoliberal administrations, the emergence of Zapatismo represented a novelty capable of outlining a new horizon for the collective social imagination. It spread its ideology and methods while always emphasizing that in specific territories, it was the local collectives that had to confront their own processes, “each in their own way.”

The magnetic figure of Insurgent Sub-commander Marcos (now Captain, in another singular demonstration that there, leaders “come down” rather than continue to ascend the hierarchy) with his remarkable literary rhetoric broadened the subjective base of the movement and facilitated its penetration, transcending both physical and ideological boundaries.

However, Zapatismo was not merely an aesthetic movement; it involved much bolder and more extreme political stances, such as generating “The Other Campaign,” capable of circumventing electoral logic and running counter to that adopted by the wave of self-proclaimed progressive governments that reshaped the Latin American map ten years after that Chiapas uprising.

Although it never remained static, since that moment in the regional calendar, the EZLN and its bases have gone through different phases that, broadly speaking, could be described as a certain international isolation and a profound retreat towards indigenous communities. This evolution strengthened the National Indigenous Congress (which it had fostered since 1996), with which it sought to participate electorally in the 2018 presidential elections, supporting the candidacy of the Nahual Marichuy in an election where Manuel López Obrador ultimately prevailed, becoming the first center-left president (with all the quotation marks one might want to add) in the country’s history. This sort of withdrawal from international political discourse did not prevent the creation of the Zapatista Little School (2013), nor did it prevent them, a couple of years later, from announcing “The Storm,” another metaphorical figure to explain with sharp precision and without euphemism the scope of the new world era. Along the same lines, they called for the exercise of critical thinking in the face of the capitalist hydra and also for the formation of “seedbeds” capable of bringing together autonomous experiences in different regions of the globe.

The pandemic context and the siege by paramilitary groups led to greater isolation, which was reversed externally when, at the end of 2021, the Journey for Life was launched. This combined a trip on the ship La Montaña as part of a larger delegation bound for Europe, with further stops planned for other continents. Since last December, the International Encounters of Rebellions and Resistances have been taking place, focusing both on moving towards “the day after” and on conducting a public self-critique of the political organization in order to illuminate another model. Insurgent Sub-commander Moisés summarized this new model by dismantling the pyramidal structure of the Good Government Councils and the Zapatista Rebel Autonomous Municipalities, bodies to be replaced by Local Autonomous Governments, the Collective of Zapatista Autonomous Governments, and the Assembly of Collectives of Zapatista Autonomous Governments in the 12 regions that make up this territory. Sociologist Raúl Romero, who participated in one of the panels held during the events that took place between the end of 2024 and January 2nd of this year, highlights these Zapatista ways of “understanding the dynamic nature of the constant change taking place in the communities, structural changes that occur based on their control of the territories.”

In a conversation with Zur from Mexico City, the intellectual and activist quotes Rosa Luxemburg and emphasizes that “in Zapatismo there are three main characteristics that closely coincide with what happened in the Paris Commune: First, there is the destruction of the existing apparatus of the State to create a form of popular self-government based on assembly-based decision-making and self-governing structures. Second, there is a dismantling of the State’s repressive apparatus and, in its place, a people’s army with its community authorities built by this autonomous self-government of the communities. And third, and perhaps most importantly, the recovery of territories as means of production that allow for the material and cultural reproduction of life, which is what sustains everything else.”

An Academic Technician at the Institute of Social Research and a Professor at the Faculty of Political and Social Sciences of the National Autonomous University of Mexico, a frequent columnist for the newspaper La Jornada, co-coordinator of the book “Local Resistances, Global Utopias” (2015), and author of the recently released “Thinking Together About Alternatives,” among other professional endeavors, Romero emphasizes that Zapatismo, “from its consolidated territory and its armed organizational structure, engages in dialogue with the indigenous peoples of Mexico and the world.” Drawing on his knowledge and commitment as part of various groups of adherents and sympathizers of the autonomist ideas woven from Chiapas, he believes that “Zapatismo today, on a global scale, is one of the hearts of the anti-capitalist movement at a time when…” The world has shifted significantly to the right, and we are living through a time that some would describe as a civilizational crisis.”

And when asked to elaborate on this scenario, he points out: “Precisely in the face of this crisis of the liberal management of capitalism, which championed certain ideas that were false but enjoyed consensus, such as liberal democracy, human rights, and discourses about progress and science—while, particularly in Latin America, progressive movements failed to deliver for the popular sectors—fascist management has emerged, which is completely retrograde, anti-rights, and operates with a logic that even seeks to eliminate populations and implement models of accumulation by dispossession, extractivism, the degradation of territories, and confrontation with indigenous peoples.” So, in this situation of wars, climate crisis, and the rise of the right wing, Zapatismo has positioned itself as a reference point for the anti-capitalist left, allowing it to offer not only a discourse, a practice, and a theory, but also a conceptualization of the world.”

To elaborate on this point in the context of a conversation, excerpts of which were broadcast on the Buenos Aires program “Después de la Deriva” (After the Drift), Raúl invokes a powerful figure that seems to draw from the rich metaphorical tradition embedded within the EZLN itself, asserting: “While Zapatismo has always focused on seeing and building its work from the autonomy of its territories, it has never stopped thinking about a dream the size of the world, and for this reason, I consider it not a localist or nationalist movement, but an internationalist one.”

How much do you feel the concept of non-ownership impacts the international positioning of Zapatismo?

I consider it one of the boldest and most innovative proposals because it stems from understanding the recovered territories as territories that can be shared with other non-Zapatista communities, including those who were once partisan, to work the land collectively. This idea has also led to other initiatives, such as the construction of a hospital operating room in Zapatista territory, with the participation of both Zapatista and non-Zapatista communities. This reinforces the idea of ​​a radicalism that Zapatismo claims to have arrived at after consulting with their elders and ancestors, asking them how they had survived the exploitation, contempt, and domination of the local bosses and landowners. Their ancestors responded that they found the commons when they escaped the haciendas and went to live in the mountains and the jungle.

Can this position be interpreted as a response to the practices of progressive administrations that promoted individual land ownership?

In Mexico, we currently have a government that could be classified as progressive, a very watered-down version of progressivism, now considered second-generation, lacking the same drive and radicalism as those of Hugo Chávez and Evo Morales. The Mexican government under Claudia Sheinbaum, in addition to its matrix of extractive megaprojects and militarization, launched the “Sembrando Vida” (Sowing Life) program, which they present as the Mexican ideal of good living. This program allocates resources to farmers to plant timber and fruit trees, often sourced from army nurseries, in exchange for a subsidy for their crops. However, one of the program’s requirements is that farmers and Indigenous people register two hectares of private land in their name. This represents a continuation of neoliberal agrarian reform aimed at further privatizing land, which contradicts the logic of communal ownership. As a result, many of these young people sell their land to new landowners and use the proceeds to pay smugglers to the United States. There, they encounter a horrific immigration policy that deports them, forcing them to return to Mexico landless, indebted, and easy prey for organized crime.

From countries like Colombia and Ecuador, among others, warnings are being issued about drug cartels occupying territories that were once part of autonomous Indigenous communities. What is happening with this phenomenon in the region influenced by Zapatismo?

While drug trafficking is one of the most important sources of income for these networks in Mexico, today organized crime groups’ main business is human trafficking, part of the new phenomenon of global migration, which is compounded by a terrible crisis of disappearances. In Mexico, we currently have approximately 140,000 missing persons, some 500,000 murders, around one million displaced persons, and 13 femicides every day. In this context, since 2018 there has been a greater presence of organized crime groups in Indigenous communities, and with it, the emergence of young people from these communities with problems of addiction to synthetic drugs. In this context, Zapatismo finds itself in a kind of bubble, in a kind of peace belt, since in its territories there are no forced disappearances, no drug trafficking, no human trafficking, none of these horrors that occur in the rest of the country because it has managed to shield itself with organizational and community work, as also happens in Ostula in Michoacán and in communities in Guerrero of the Emiliano Zapata Indigenous and Popular Council.

Original article by Sergio Arboleya, Zur, December 2nd, 2025.
Translated by Schools for Chiapas.

abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=…

#chiapas #ezln #mexico #northAmerica #zapatista

diaspora - Link to source

F1 Light Box Helps You Know the Current Race Status


image

#microcontrollers #mischacks #f1 #f1racing #lightbox #hackaday
posted by pod_feeder_v2


F1 Light Box Helps You Know The Current Race Status

[joppedc] wrote in to let us know that the Formula 1® season is coming to an end, and that the final race should be bangin’. To get ready, he built this ultra-sleek logo light box last week t…
Kristina Panos (Hackaday)

mastodon - Link to source

Rhabdo Myo Lysis
Sickle Cell Trait
Cancer
500 squats
Kidney problems
Medulla Low Sodium Content
Black person
Red Urine
Convulsing
Fall Down

m.youtube.com/watch?v=Hnxqc4sT…


An Athlete Squatted 500 Reps In 20 Minutes. This Is What Happened To His Kidneys.

This patient presented to an emergency room in Illinois, 2010Dr. Pavlos Msaouel, MD, PhD is a leading physician-scientist researching this space. See his pub...
Chubbyemu (YouTube)

snac - Link to source

it does seem like starfive is making it is difficult as possible to boot visionfive2 from nvme drive

here is a 5.6GB debian image. we won't tell you which images will boot with the old uboot so simple download one of these 14 5gb images and keep repeating till you find one that works. 5.6 gb was big enough already so to save space it does not include the 32kb flashcp command necessary to copy the uboot and spi to internal memory. so simply set up a tftpd server and ethernet network to apt get it. watch the boot process via usb to serial but don't connect the pins how we tell you in the manual as it won't work. also don't set the motherboard switches how we tell you in the manual, that won't work either. eeerrp.

mastodon - Link to source
Watching "The Infographics Show: Why Internet Piracy is Making a Comeback" on YouTube . youtu.be/8R2FvczLyx0?si=Ngb0EG… #TheInfographicsShow

Why Internet Piracy is Making a Comeback

In today’s episode of The Infographics Show, we uncover why millions are abandoning streaming and turning back to piracy. Streaming is expensive, chaotic, an...
The Infographics Show (YouTube)
in reply to Albert Sims

mastodon - Link to source

Catweazle

@albert65, on the net, piracy is always a question of perspective. If we talk about content from large corporations, it is about defining the "illegal" download of abusive services.
As an old Spanish saying goes, "he who steals from a thief, 100 years of forgiveness"
Much worse is a large corporation that uses people's copyrighted content to train its AIs, than a user who downloads some YT video or share an Netflix account.

friendica - Link to source

Found 87 new servers and 93 servers died off since 10 hours ago

27,863 servers checked today. 17,611,068 Total Users with 924,506 Active Users today

Check out the #fediverse stats

History of servers found and deleted

Help others find a home, send them to fediverse.observer

#fediverse #statistics

mastodon - Link to source
Mögliche störende Textinhalte zum Thema Meinungsfreiheit

Sensitive content

in reply to 🇪🇺🇩🇪Machina

mastodon - Link to source

🇪🇺🇩🇪Machina

Mögliche störende Textinhalte zum Thema Meinungsfreiheit (X)

Sensitive content

mastodon - Link to source

Il mio #BacklogPass di recente è stato fruttuoso. Ho finito un po' di cose che erano lì ad ammuffire e adesso ho un sacco voglia di frugare nella mia libreria invece di comprare altri giochi.
A parte StardewValley e Terraria, che sono i giochi da compagnia e immagino non finirò mai, nelle prossime settimane ho intenzione di iniziare (e magari finire) alcuni giochini:

- Errant Kingdom
- Kind Words 2
- VVVVVV
- LEGO Lord of the Rings
- Inherit The Earth
- Fallout 1
- Sunless Skies

This entry was edited (1 year ago)
in reply to shortstories

pleroma - Link to source

Zergling_man

A server is something that waits for connections to be made, and does stuff in response to that. A client is something that makes a connection.
A web browser, in other words, is an HTTP client. (And nginx, for example, is an HTTP server.)
A "web front-end" is a javascript-based client, generally for the server it's fetched from (but see, eg. bloat.freespeechextremist.com for exceptions). In this case, that is what I am referring to by "web client". By "some other client" I am talking about things like tut, thedesk*, subwaytooter, whatever. Those three are the ones I generally recommend.

*thedesk is actually written in javascript, and runs on electron, so you could argue that it is still a "web client". The key difference is that the code lives on your computer, instead of a remote server, and it is thus significantly harder to alter without your consent.

signin - bloat

bloat.freespeechextremist.com
in reply to ariadneross

mastodon - Link to source

Violet Madder

I used to think of the British media as generally more reasonable than stuff in the US but the Guardian kept putting out more and more noticeably queerphobic stuff that made me sit up and go yikes.

All of the major media outlets have been sliding to the right.

Even PBS & NPR, here in the US. Grew up with my whole family using those every day. They sharply started heading downhill when their public funding was slashed in 1994, and I haven't been able to stand them hardly at all since they went full sheepdog in 2016.

in reply to Dr. Seltsam 🌎🎶🌳

mastodon - Link to source

Catweazle

@hipsauerkraut, en realidad tu afirmación es una contraposición cultural de términos andróginos con respecto a la yuxtaposición de la orientación casuística mundial. Quizá habría que considerar parámetros exógenos con respecto a la filisofía socrática, según Nek'il Kuxtal Waldorf, por lo menos con respecto a la génisis de esta cuestión desde una postura de iniciación del pensamiento antiguo.

No quiero terminar mi aportación a tu interesante reflexión sin recomendarte el libro: "El sentimiento sideral de las constelaciones pretéritas", allí se profundiza sobre la filosofía cuántica aplicada a la singularidad del garbanzo español, quizá sea de tu interés.

⇧