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mastodon - Link to source

Samidoun Statement on the German State of NRW Ordering its Website Blocked
abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/269…

"The Samidoun Palestinian Prisoner Solidarity Network rejects and condemns in the strongest terms the repressive decision issued by the official media bodies in the German state of North Rhein-Westphalia, to…"

abolitionmedia

2026-01-13 06:06:05

wordpress - Link to source

Samidoun Statement on the German State of NRW Ordering its Website Blocked


The Samidoun Palestinian Prisoner Solidarity Network rejects and condemns in the strongest terms the repressive decision issued by the official media bodies in the German state of North Rhein-Westphalia, to block the Samidoun website (samidoun.net), in yet another outrageous step that expresses full adherence to the Zionist project and German imperialist repression against the Palestinian people and the growing international solidarity movement with their just liberation struggle.

This decision, announced in Dusseldorf and extending to all internet service providers and data transfer companies, is not an administrative or technical measure, as it is claimed. Rather, it is a hostile act aimed at stifling the Palestinian voice and criminalizing anyone who exposes the crimes of the Zionist occupation, particularly those committed against Palestinian prisoners in Zionist occupation jails.

The accusations leveled by the German state about “hostility to the democratic system”, “incitement” — namely, by rejecting “Israel’s right to exist,” are nothing but obvious, thin pretexts used to suppress any liberated discourse that exposes the colonial and racist nature of the Zionist entity. Our position rejecting the legitimacy of an implanted colonial settler entity based on ethnic cleansing and military occupation throughout occupied Palestine is not a crime, but rather a moral and political duty.

We also renew our rejection of the German Federal Ministry of the Interior’s decision to ban the activities of the Samidoun Network in November 2023. We consider this to be a critical moment in the escalation of the open assault against the Palestinian resistance and its supporters, as well as the Palestinian people as a whole, and a continuation of the policies of the German state, which has never ceased its political, military, and media support for the illegitimate “Israeli” entity, at the expense of the rights of the Palestinian people, international law, and freedom of organization and political action. Further, it is a direct contribution to Germany’s full participation in genocide in Gaza and throughout occupied Palestine, alongside its arms trade and supply to the Zionist regime.

Defending Palestinian prisoners is defending Palestinian rights and the just Palestinian cause. Attempts to silence the Samidoun Network will not end the voice of the prisoner movement or break the will of free peoples. Rather, they will increase the pace of political and popular confrontation against supporters of the genocide in Gaza and imperialist regimes of oppression and complicity.

source: Samidoun
abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=…#europe #germany #palestine #PoliticalPrisoners #repression #samidoun


mastodon - Link to source

Condemn US War Of Aggression Against Peoples Of Venezuela! Wage Peoples’ War Against US Imperialism!: CPP BPC
abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/269…

"The Communist Party of the Philippines-Batangas vehemently condemns the US imperialist government’s recent bombing of Venezuela’s capital city of Caracas, the Venezuelan states of Miranda, La Guaira and Aragua and…"

abolitionmedia

2026-01-13 05:57:36

wordpress - Link to source

Condemn US War Of Aggression Against Peoples Of Venezuela! Wage Peoples’ War Against US Imperialism!: CPP BPC


The Communist Party of the Philippines-Batangas vehemently condemns the US imperialist government’s recent bombing of Venezuela’s capital city of Caracas, the Venezuelan states of Miranda, La Guaira and Aragua and its illegal abduction of Venezuelan president Nicolas Maduro and his wife Cilia Flores.

The fascist Donald Trump has made extremely clear his intention to invade Venezuela and did not hide the reason for the US armada’s presence near the coast of Venezuela. His pretext of a war on drug trafficking and his claim that President Maduro is a drug kingpin have already been proven false by his state’s own intelligence agency. President Trump has thus far only revealed he is no different than his predecessors Biden, Obama, Bush, and Clinton, each one having blood on their hands for having the most coups, assassination plots, regime changes, and invasions a state has carried out or backed since the turn of the 21st century.

Trump’s modus operandi is straight out of the US playbook of destabilization and intervention in sovereign states the imperialist government has eyes on. Since 1945, the US government has been in more wars than the whole world combined and has amassed the most nuclear arsenal for its military.

The reason is clear. The US and its allied monopoly capitalist countries are yet again undergoing an economic crisis. Trump’s slogan of bringing back industrialization inside their territory after decades of relying on cheap labor in China and other countries is proof of this. No one is under the illusion that the objective of this attack on the Venezuelan people is anything other than to to seize Venezuela’s strategic resources, particularly its oil reserve. Yet again, imperialism is caught trying to offset a crisis of its own making by using another country’s resources.

The US imperialist government’s invasion of Venezuela must be analyzed under the current international situation where the US is steadily losing ground as the sole political and economic hegemony in the world. Its frustrations in Ukraine, the continued resistance of the Palestinian people, even China’s refusal to succumb to its acts of aggression in the Pacific as well as the growing membership of BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa) which grew to ten member states with the addition of Indonesia can only serve to shake the number one imperialist down to its core.

The Filipino people have no other recourse than to stand with the people of Venezuela and condemn the US armed assault in Caracas and abduction of Maduro. The growing conflict in the world brought by chronic economic and political crisis, stoked on by US imperialism, is sure to land on our shores. The Filipino people must denounce the puppet Marcos regime for the continued building of EDCA sites, continued Balikatan Exercises and other joint military trainings and weapons tests which force communities to stop production or, worse, evacuate,and serve only to make our country a target for US rivals in the Pacific.

We must not—we cannot, let 1941 happen again.

People of Venezuela, resist imperialist domination!

Advance the national democratic struggle in the Philippines!

Source : philippinerevolution.nu/statem…


abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=…#colonialism #cpp #imperialism #maoism #philippines #venezuela


mastodon - Link to source

Communes Resume Venezuela’s Popular Defense
abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/268…

"Popular mobilization and food production are the foundation of Venezuelan communes after the kidnapping of Nicolás Maduro. Ten days after the US bombing of Venezuela, the country’s communes gained even…"

abolitionmedia

2026-01-13 05:21:53

wordpress - Link to source

Communes Resume Venezuela’s Popular Defense


Popular mobilization and food production are the foundation of Venezuelan communes after the kidnapping of Nicolás Maduro.

Ten days after the US bombing of Venezuela, the country’s communes gained even more prominence within the political process that Chavismo calls the Bolivarian Revolution. Even after an attack that shook Latin America, the communes continued working under the principles that formed the basis of this new social structure: food production, popular mobilization, and the preservation of the ideology that seeks to transform the Venezuelan political system.

Characterized by self-management, the communes are spaces where some of former President Hugo Chávez’s main ideas for a national project with participatory democracy and the direct involvement of the population in solving the problems of life in society are developed.

In recent years, the communes have become the epicenter of Chavismo in Venezuela and, after the US attacks, have proven to be an essential element of Venezuelan society, primarily for supplying the country’s markets.

Since the attack on Caracas, the communes have not wavered and have maintained food production. The Venezuelan government is proud that 97% of the food produced in the country is domestically produced. And a significant portion of that amount is the responsibility of the communes, especially the rural ones.

Although precise data on production is lacking, Venezuelan communes have grown since the formalization of this process in 2010 and have begun to receive investment and autonomy to plant and harvest various foods. Coffee, for example, is produced mainly in the communes. Corn, rice, beans, vegetables, and fruits also have a large share of communal production.

The moral and productive reserve of the communes became even more evident after the US attacks. Anaís Márquez, spokesperson for the March 5th Commune, states that the bombings represented an attack on Venezuela’s morale and that this hinders their work, but that the communes are an important part of the Venezuelan resistance.

“Despite what happened, the work in the communes continues. We are resuming communal assemblies and productive work. Undoubtedly, we were morally affected, and continuing to work in this context is more difficult because morale is low. We need to see what strategies to use to move forward, how to reorganize the territory in light of what happened. All of this needs to be discussed, but production continues,” she told Brasil de Fato.

According to the government, Venezuela has 5,336 active communes that occupy approximately 90% of the national territory. These communes have transformed the country’s productive structure, since, although large companies are still responsible for a significant portion of Venezuelan production, the government’s focus has shifted toward family farming and small producers.

Hernán Vargas, Vice-Rector of the University of the Communes, affirms that the communes restructured the Venezuelan economy and placed collective organization at the center of the formation of an alternative mode of production.

“It is vital to strengthen this structure as a key element at this time and to have a central structure for productive development. Production has increased in the country, and the communes are fundamental. The communal mode of production has strengthened the mechanisms of distribution, self-management, production, the production chain, and a logic of production based on use value, not centered on market exchange value, but on guaranteeing what the country needs,” he told Brasil de Fato.

The communes were institutionalized in the Organic Law of Communes, created in 2010 during Hugo Chávez’s government. Over the past 14 years, the comuneros have witnessed abrupt changes in Venezuelan society, from attempted coups to the implementation of US sanctions in 2015 against the Venezuelan economy, which undermined the state’s capacity to invest in various sectors.

Following the US attacks, the comuneros understand that the role of the communes in building the Venezuelan state has become even more evident, especially as spaces for preserving Chavismo and a political line that has socialism as its cornerstone.

Anais affirms that one of the communes’ responsibilities is also to politically educate their members, especially those who are not directly involved in national politics or who oppose Chavismo.

“We resisted and built the state in Venezuela, even without our president. The communes are the political resistance to build a new state whose purpose is the end of capitalism. We must continue to be the political and ideological resistance so that the Venezuelan project does not collapse and continue raising awareness and educating our people so that they understand what socialism means in Venezuela,” she stated.

The challenges faced by the Venezuelan government as a result of the blockade were also reflected in the relationship between the communes and the Venezuelan political and economic process, and these spaces acquired greater political prominence. One of these forms of change was income redistribution.

Communal councils began to participate directly in the allocation of resources for projects in their territories through popular consultations. This tool brought Venezuela closer to Chávez’s goal of a grassroots state administration, where the decisions of the communal councils would carry weight in collective decision-making.

Vargas understands that this process stimulated wealth distribution in the country based on a “new conception of democracy” that places the commune at the center of a new political system.

All of this translated into popular mobilizations in defense of Nicolás Maduro and First Lady Cilia Flores, who were kidnapped by the United States on the first Saturday of the year. The marches of the comuneros also demanded an end to US interference in Venezuela and the defense of national sovereignty.

A large portion of oil revenues was allocated directly to the consultations. The entire population votes, and the decisions are implemented by the commune itself. All of this has resulted in a very high level of politicization. The communes are a front in the struggle in all areas: economic, security, and political mobilization. The result of this is the street mobilizations, during one of the most tense moments in our history, Vargas said.

By Lorenzo Santiago /Brasil de Fato / Resumen Latinoamericano, 12 January 2026.
abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=…#antiImperialism #chavismo #communes #southAmerica #usImperialism #venezuela


bridgy-fed - Link to source

Tja. Article describes well how tricky it is for the UK to come to an agreement with the EU that makes sense for both sides. Plus, everyone is busy. 🎁🔗

Keir Starmer may want closer t...


Keir Starmer may want closer ties with EU — but will Brussels play ball?

PM tries to reassure Labour’s pro-Europeans a reset is coming, but EU officials say timing is poor
Peter Foster (Financial Times)

mastodon - Link to source
thegrayzone.com/2026/01/12/wes…

Western media whitewashes deadly riots in Iran, relying on US govt-funded regime change NGOs - The Grayzone

As deadly riots burn Iranian cities, Western media ignores the shocking wave of violence, turning instead to US government-funded NGOs for data. The one-sided portrayal has helped push Trump to the brink of authorizing renewed US attacks.
Max Blumenthal (The Grayzone)

mastodon - Link to source

C'est plus cher, moins bien fait avec des conditions de travail dégradées...

Voilà le bilan de l'externalisation au privé

mediacites.fr/enquete/lille/20…


Dans le Nord, le pari raté de la privatisation de l’entretien des collèges

Dans les collèges du Nord, les uniformes de certains personnels arborent des inscriptions étranges : Agenor ou Atalian. Il s’agit du nom des deux entreprises qui assurent l’entretien de ces établissements scolaires.
Erwin Canard (Mediacités - Média indépendant à Lille, Lyon, Nantes et Toulouse)

mastodon - Link to source

Kataib Hezbollah Warns US Against War on Iran Amid Threats
abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/269…

"Kataib Hezbollah Secretary-General Abu Hussein al-Hamidawi said Monday that the region is entering what he described as a “new chapter of conflict between the fronts of right and falsehood,” arguing…"

abolitionmedia

2026-01-13 06:04:37

wordpress - Link to source

Kataib Hezbollah Warns US Against War on Iran Amid Threats


Kataib Hezbollah Secretary-General Abu Hussein al-Hamidawi said Monday that the region is entering what he described as a “new chapter of conflict between the fronts of right and falsehood,” arguing that the lines between the two camps have become increasingly clear.

In a statement, al-Hamidawi said the “front of falsehood” has revealed itself through criminal behavior and an aggressive approach toward free peoples who reject imperial domination. He warned that the leadership of this camp is moving toward preparations targeting the Islamic Republic of Iran, which he said was a pillar of strength for the Muslim world.

Al-Hamidawi stressed that religious and moral duty requires standing alongside what he called the besieged Iranian people, saying that defending the Islamic Republic amounts to defending the Muslim Ummah’s sanctities. Addressing Iranians directly, he said that Kataib Hezbollah stands with them “in hardship and ease” and remains committed to defending Iran and its sacred values.

Call for regional vigilance


He also urged Iraqis and members of the wider Axis of Resistance to remain vigilant, warning against complacency and against being influenced by what he described as traitorous voices, misinformation campaigns, and efforts to sow confusion.

Al-Hamidawi further cautioned the United States against launching a war on Iran, saying such a conflict would not be a “leisurely affair” and would carry high costs.

His remarks followed statements by US and Israeli officials, including US President Donald Trump and Zionist Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who have threatened military intervention against Iran under the pretext of “protecting protesters,” amid what observers describe as an intensified media campaign surrounding the issue.

Zionist entity heightens readiness as US weighs aggression


Reuters on Sunday reported that Zionist authorities have raised their security posture amid “concerns” that the United States could launch an aggression in Iran amid a wave of foreign-backed armed riots framed as anti-government protests by zio-imperialist elements.

Citing three Zionist sources, Reuters said the heightened alert stems from unease over a potential US escalation rather than any declared Israeli

Kataib Hezbollah Secretary-General Abu Hussein al-Hamidawi said Monday that the region is entering what he described as a “new chapter of conflict between the fronts of right and falsehood,” arguing that the lines between the two camps have become increasingly clear.

In a statement, al-Hamidawi said the “front of falsehood” has revealed itself through criminal behavior and an aggressive approach toward free peoples who reject imperial domination. He warned that the leadership of this camp is moving toward preparations targeting the Islamic Republic of Iran, which he said was a pillar of strength for the Muslim world.

Al-Hamidawi stressed that religious and moral duty requires standing alongside what he called the besieged Iranian people, saying that defending the Islamic Republic amounts to defending the Muslim Ummah’s sanctities. Addressing Iranians directly, he said that Kataib Hezbollah stands with them “in hardship and ease” and remains committed to defending Iran and its sacred values.

Call for regional vigilance


He also urged Iraqis and members of the wider Axis of Resistance to remain vigilant, warning against complacency and against being influenced by what he described as traitorous voices, misinformation campaigns, and efforts to sow confusion.

Al-Hamidawi further cautioned the United States against launching a war on Iran, saying such a conflict would not be a “leisurely affair” and would carry high costs.

His remarks followed statements by US and Israeli

Kataib Hezbollah Secretary-General Abu Hussein al-Hamidawi said Monday that the region is entering what he described as a “new chapter of conflict between the fronts of right and falsehood,” arguing that the lines between the two camps have become increasingly clear.

In a statement, al-Hamidawi said the “front of falsehood” has revealed itself through criminal behavior and an aggressive approach toward free peoples who reject imperial domination. He warned that the leadership of this camp is moving toward preparations targeting the Islamic Republic of Iran, which he said was a pillar of strength for the Muslim world.

Al-Hamidawi stressed that religious and moral duty requires standing alongside what he called the besieged Iranian people, saying that defending the Islamic Republic amounts to defending the Muslim Ummah’s sanctities. Addressing Iranians directly, he said that Kataib Hezbollah stands with them “in hardship and ease” and remains committed to defending Iran and its sacred values.

Call for regional vigilance

He also urged Iraqis and members of the wider Axis of Resistance to remain vigilant, warning against complacency and against being influenced by what he described as traitorous voices, misinformation campaigns, and efforts to sow confusion.

Al-Hamidawi further cautioned the United States against launching a war on Iran, saying such a conflict would not be a “leisurely affair” and would carry high costs.

His remarks followed statements by US and Israeli officials, including US President Donald Trump and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who have threatened military intervention against Iran under the pretext of “protecting protesters,” amid what observers describe as an intensified media campaign surrounding the issue.

‘Israel’ heightens readiness as US weighs aggression


Reuters on Sunday reported that Israeli authorities have raised their security posture amid “concerns” that the United States could launch an aggression in Iran amid a wave of foreign-backed armed riots framed as anti-government protests by zio-imperialist elements.

Citing three Israeli sources, Reuters said the heightened alert stems from unease over a potential US escalation rather than any declared Israeli plan to intervene. The sources offered no details on concrete security measures, a lack of specificity that underscores uncertainty over Washington’s intentions following remarks by US President Donald Trump, who warned Iran’s leadership against using force against those involved in unrest and said the United States stood “ready to help,” rhetoric Tehran views as thinly veiled interventionism rather than humanitarian concern.

The Israeli posture comes against the backdrop of the 12-day war in June, launched when “Israel”, with direct US participation, carried out air and intelligence strikes across Iran that targeted not only military infrastructure but also civilian and dual-use sites, marking a decisive rupture with years of indirect confrontation and prompting Tehran to warn that any renewed US-Israeli aggression would be met with forceful retaliation against US assets and “Israel” alike

officials, including US President Donald Trump and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who have threatened military intervention against Iran under the pretext of “protecting protesters,” amid what observers describe as an intensified media campaign surrounding the issue.

‘Israel’ heightens readiness as US weighs aggression


Reuters on Sunday reported that Israeli authorities have raised their security posture amid “concerns” that the United States could launch an aggression in Iran amid a wave of foreign-backed armed riots framed as anti-government protests by zio-imperialist elements.

Citing three Zionist sources, Reuters said the heightened alert stems from unease over a potential US escalation rather than any declared Zionist plan to intervene. The sources offered no details on concrete security measures, a lack of specificity that underscores uncertainty over Washington’s intentions following remarks by US President Donald Trump, who warned Iran’s leadership against using force against those involved in unrest and said the United States stood “ready to help,” rhetoric Tehran views as thinly veiled interventionism rather than humanitarian concern.

The Israeli posture comes against the backdrop of the 12-day war in June, launched when the entity, with direct US participation, carried out air and intelligence strikes across Iran that targeted not only military infrastructure but also civilian and dual-use sites, marking a decisive rupture with years of indirect confrontation and prompting Tehran to warn that any renewed US-Zionist aggression would be met with forceful retaliation against US assets and the entity alike.
abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=…#antiColonialResistance #axisOfResistance #iran #iraq #kataibHezbollah #westAsia


mastodon - Link to source

Le « moment eurocommuniste » ou la déstalinisation ratée du PCF

contretemps.eu/moment-eurocomm…
"Laurent Lévy, membre de notre rédaction, revient dans son livre Histoire d’un échec sur la « stratégie “eurocommuniste” du PCF ». S’appuyant sur les archives internes de ce parti, il […]
L’article Le « moment eurocommuniste » ou la déstalinisation ratée du PCF est apparu en premier sur CONTRETEMPS."


Le « moment eurocommuniste » ou la déstalinisation ratée du PCF - CONTRETEMPS

Lire hors-ligne :Laurent Lévy, membre de notre rédaction, revient dans son livre Histoire d’un échec sur la « stratégie “eurocommuniste” du PCF ». S’appuyant sur les archives internes de ce […]
Laurent Lévy (CONTRETEMPS)

akkoma - Link to source

“The Real Reason Europe is Rearming: Germany’s Industrial Collapse”

senecaeffect.substack.com/p/th…

This figure explains everything that’s going on in Europe. Germany is trying to stave off its industrial collapse by boosting military production and taking the whole European Union along the same road. It is a desperate attempt, unlikely to work because Germany doesn’t have the fossil resources it had in the 1930s, when the Nazi government used the same recipe to save the economy. In any case, the attempt will beggar the European citizens, who are going to lose the services that the state used to provide, as well as their savings.


#collapse #Germany #Seneca #SenecaEffect #Europe

Graph that shows Germany's industrial output from 1993 to present. It peaked on 2017, following a growth trend, and since then, it's going downwards quickly, from 108 to 88. It also shows the difference between what following the growth trend would have been achieved vs the reality: -22.2%

The Real Reason Europe is Rearming: Germany’s Industrial Collapse

The global collapse arrives piecemeal. Germany is going first.
Ugo Bardi (The Seneca Effect)

mastodon - Link to source
Unhinged Starmeroid communities secretary and grovelling Zionist Steve Reed has told fellow Israel fanatics of his “frustration” that Met Police officers in Lambeth, London, didn’t prosecute teachers at a school in his constituency – for icing biscuits with a Palestine flag.
thecanary.co/skwawkbox/2026/01…

Deranged Zionist Steve Reed wants teachers prosecuted - for Palestine biscuits

"I had a member of my family vomiting down the toilet in fear" said Steve Reed... Because of a biscuit. Seriously. Just fuck off.
Skwawkbox (Canary)

wordpress - Link to source

On the War Crime of Disproportionate Use of Force and Bombing That Killed 3 Mangyan-Iraya Children in Abra de Ilog, Occidental Mindoro


There is no military, legal or moral justification for the relentless bombardment carried out by the 203rd Infantry Brigade of the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) in Abra de Ilog, Occidental Mindoro last January 1 that killed three Mangyan-Iraya children and terrorized entire Mangyan communities. Reports suggest that the AFP dropped at least 12 bombs and conducted aerial strafing in the area. These bombings and indiscriminate firing against civilians are tantamount to war crimes, and the NDFP Special Office for the Protection of Children hold the 203rd IB and Marcos Jr. as their commander-in-chief, directly responsible.

Under International Humanitarian Law, the principles of distinction, proportionality, and precaution are absolute. The bombing of areas where the Mangyan national minorities live constitutes a blatant and deliberate violation of these principles. The deaths of the three children, two youth, and now the AFP’s continuing refusal to release an unarmed civilian in their custody expose that the AFP’s so-called “counterinsurgency operations” are in essence indiscriminate attacks on civilians.

These attacks are grossly disproportionate, and the AFP knew fully well and yet deliberately ignored that Mangyan-Iraya children and civilian families would be in the areas they were bombing. But they proceeded regardless.

Since the time of war criminal Gen. Jovito Palparan, Mindoro Island has been turned into a permanent killing field, with the 203rd IB at the center of systematic violations of human rights and international humanitarian law. For decades, Indigenous Mangyan communities have been subjected to indiscriminate bombings, enforced evacuations, food blockades, the military occupation of civilian spaces, the harassment, and interrogation of children, and the routine collapse of the distinction between civilian and combatant. Under the current Marcos Jr. regime, Mindoro is effectively under de facto martial law, marked by constant troop deployment, aerial bombardment, checkpoints, surveillance, and restrictions on movement – conditions under which Mangyan communities, and especially children, continue to be treated as expendable in an ongoing counterrevolutionary war against the people.

We demand the immediate cessation of all AFP military operations in Mindoro, including aerial bombings, combat patrols, and so-called “clearing operations” that continue to place Mangyan communities in grave danger. The de facto state of martial law in the island must stop.

We further demand the immediate release of Chantal Anicoche, whose continued detention under the custody of the AFP forms part of a broader campaign of repression against those defending the rights of indigenous communities. We warn the Marcos Jr. government and the AFP that the international community is watching closely, and that those responsible will have their day of reckoning.

The NDFP Special Office for the Protection of Children will continue to monitor, document and expose these violations of IHL and children’s rights committed in Mindoro, and will pursue all available avenues to hold perpetrators accountable. We extend our deepest condolences to the families of the three Mangyan-Iraya children and to all victims of militarization in Mindoro.

Coni Ledesma, NDFP Special Office for the Protection of Children

abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=…#asia #guerrilla #ndfp #philippines #repression

sharkey - Link to source

Anubis is like:

Robots, we have a special jail for robots. You have JavaScript disabled: right to jail. You are using a weird browser: right to jail, right away. CPU too slow: jail. Fast: jail. You have an odd number of CPU cores? Believe it or not, jail.

You make a request with the HTTP server and you don’t keep the cookie, believe it or not, jail, right away. We have the best crawlers in the world because of jail.

mastodon - Link to source

I don’t post about my service work much, but the LA Homeless Services Authority needs more volunteers for our annual Street Count next week!

It takes place from January 20th to the 22nd, depending on where you live, and only takes a few hours of your time. It's SUPER easy to do and is a direct way to make an impact on those in your community.

Everything you need to know is in this short video (youtu.be/AR8aLajojyo), and the link to sign up just over here (count.lahsa.org/pages/voluntee…).

Feel free to ask if you have any questions!

#LAHomelessCount #LAHomelessServices #LosAngeles #California


LAHSA Homeless Count Volunteer Training

Enjoy the videos and music you love, upload original content, and share it all with friends, family, and the world on YouTube.
The Los Angeles Homeless Services Authority (YouTube)

(URL replace addon enabled for X, YouTube, Instagram and some news sites.)

sharkey - Link to source

Sensitive content

diaspora - Link to source

#Pressefreiheit

Von #Corona bis #Rundfunkrat: Warum #DanielGünther Kurs kein Ausrutscher ist


Nach Auftritt bei „Markus #Lanz“ und harscher Kritik: Warum Daniel Günthers Positionen zu #Medien, #Corona und #Northvolt ein wiederkehrendes Muster zeigen.

berliner-zeitung.de/politik-ge…

#Rücktritt
#Totalitarismus im #Schafspelz
#Merz ist ein #Lügner
#CDU
#NurNoch AFD


Von Corona bis Rundfunkrat: Warum Daniel Günthers Kurs kein Ausrutscher ist

Nach Auftritt bei „Markus Lanz“ und harscher Kritik: Warum Daniel Günthers Positionen zu Medien, Corona und Northvolt ein wiederkehrendes Muster zeigen.
Harald Melzer (Berliner Zeitung)

diaspora - Link to source

#DanielGünther: #Totalitarismus im #Schafspelz


#Meinungsfreiheit? Klar! Aber nur für die Richtigen!

reitschuster.de/post/daniel-gu…

#Merz ist ein #Lügner


#CDU
#NurNoch AFD


Daniel Günther: Totalitarismus im Schafspelz - reitschuster.de

Ein CDU-Ministerpräsident fordert Medienverbote – und nennt das dann „Demokratie verteidigen“. Warum Günther kein Ausrutscher ist, sondern ein beunruhendes Signal. Und was das mit der Reichspressekammer zu tun hat.
Boris Reitschuster (reitschuster.de)

wordpress - Link to source

Interview: From Argentina to Lebanon: “Together, only together will we win”


Georges Ibrahim Abdallah is a communist, anti-imperialist, anti-Zionist, and internationalist activist born in Lebanon in 1951. To this day, Georges remains a fedayeen (a fighter), a “sin” that the capitalist system has never forgiven. Despite spending 41 years imprisoned in France, tortured and isolated, released in July 2025 and deported to Lebanon, he continues to maintain that his identity is that of a revolutionary militant: “In reality, I was a militant within the prison. I was never a prisoner aspiring to become a militant; I am a militant, and as such I fight even under exceptional conditions…”

The life of Georges Ibrahim Abdallah is the story of a young Lebanese man who joined the ranks of the Palestinian and global revolution at a very early age. It expresses the history of the Palestinian revolution in Lebanon, the revolution that began after 1967, and which, unfortunately, was cut short by a treacherous and capitulating Palestinian political leadership; but which continued with new generations of Palestinians from Gaza, the West Bank, Jerusalem, Palestine of 1948, and the diaspora. George’s story didn’t begin with his arrest in 1984, but rather long before that. The 1960s and 70s were the decades in which George’s internationalist political identity was forged. The massive mobilizations against the Vietnam War, the student and social movements of ’68, Ernesto Che Guevara’s message at the Tricontinental Conference of ’67, the national liberation struggles, and much more, converged in the militant formation of an internationalist comrade who, to this day, holds the same convictions.

The world has changed, but George Abdallah’s ideals and strength have not. He still clings to the essence of the revolutionary project of Arab liberation, which sees Palestine as its center: “The liberation of Palestine has historical and strategic value: it is the historical lever of the Arab revolution process.”
Beirut (December 18, 2025). Interview conducted by a comrade from Masar Badil Argentina with Georges Abdallah.
On December 18, 2025, in the city of Beirut, Lebanon, along with comrades from Masar Badil (Palestinian Alternative Revolutionary Route Movement), we were able to speak with and interview Georges Ibrahim Abdallah.

Interviewer: For us, your trajectory is an example: forty-one years in prison without your ideals being broken. How did you manage to maintain them?

Georges: Actually, I was an activist within the prison. I was never a prisoner who aspired to become an activist; I am an activist, and as such, I fight even in exceptional conditions, such as those of captivity. The central issue for me has always been the struggle; my personal situation is secondary. To the extent that my situation allows me to strengthen the struggle, I feel I am in an appropriate position. That’s how it happened.

My convictions were sustained through daily practice, alongside comrades who consistently came to support me for 41 years. Solidarity with me was understood as a means of joining the struggle alongside the Palestinian people and their masses, and also as a way of expressing the position of the Palestinian masses within the struggle in France. When workers mobilized to demand improvements in their conditions or to express political positions, those who showed solidarity with me participated directly in the mobilizations of the CGT (referring to the General Confederation of Labor of France) and other trade union organizations. I regularly—approximately every month, or every 20 or 25 days—took part in these mobilizations. At the demonstrations, some comrades took on the task of giving speeches, and thus my words, as a Palestinian and imprisoned Arab activist, were read by one of them. In this way, time passed within the context of the struggle, not apart from it.

When I was released, the court decision was based on a fundamental legal argument: that my continued imprisonment harmed national security more than my freedom. My release was granted on that basis.

My presence in prison was, therefore, a militant one. I approached captivity from the perspective of the conditions and principles of the struggle, not as an end in itself. I was not in prison to demand personal improvements, nor to demand my release, nor to proclaim my innocence. That logic is unacceptable to me.

Before the courts, I answered the central question, concerning foreign operations in France and Europe. There is no evidence to incriminate me. What I am being criticized for is my political stance. I stated that these military operations were justified and should continue, not only in France, but throughout the world, especially in the regions that constitute the heart of the imperialist system, the same system that is waging war against our people. Not only today, but since the 1980s. Today, this reality is even more profound.

Interviewer: And what about contact while you were in prison? Political news, information… what was your connection with the outside world like?

Georges: As I mentioned in my first answer, inside the prison I was an activist. Those who came to visit me were all activists. Their main task was to convey my point of view to the outside world; the second was to reinforce my position as an activist. Therefore, they made sure I had all the necessary means of access to information: journalistic, cultural, and political information. To give a simple example: I didn’t lack time because I had too much of it, but because I didn’t have enough. I didn’t suffer from having too much free time; I suffered from not having enough time to read everything I should have read. And when I say this, it’s not a literary metaphor, it’s a concrete reality.

Every week, my comrades provided me with five dossiers, just on the journalistic front. Everything published in Arabic, French, or English in Lebanon, Palestine, and Egypt. Five times a week. Each dossier was about 90 pages long. That is, around 450 pages a week, just of news material related to the Palestinian cause, the situation in Lebanon, the resistance, and the protests in Egypt. In addition, I had access to all the French press: the party press and the bourgeois press, such as Le Monde, L’Humanité, and other publications, as well as all the publications of left-wing parties, particularly the smaller ones. In that sense, I had a comprehensive view of everything available culturally and informationally, even broader than that of many people outside the prison.

As for my political training, my time was strictly organized. If you ask me how my day began: I left my cell at 8:30 a.m. and returned at 10:45 a.m. During that time, I exercised to keep my body fit for combat, so to speak.

• From 10:45 to 11:00 a.m.: washing and showering.

• From 11:00 a.m. to 4:00 p.m.: reading the mail. I needed a lot of time to read the letters and materials that arrived.

• From 4:00 to 7:00 p.m.: theoretical readings.

• In the evening: correspondence related to theoretical materials and what should or should not be done.

• I slept four hours, so I woke up at 4:00 a.m.

• From 4:00 to 7:00 a.m., I answered my personal emails to preserve my humanity. I wrote simple words to my family (daughter, brother), greetings, gestures that allowed me to remain a normal human being: someone who smiles at the sight of a child, who sees beauty in a flower, who appreciates the simple things of everyday life.

At seven in the morning, the guard arrived, and the prison day officially began. Thus, my day was completely filled.

Interviewer: The situation in Lebanon, the Palestinians in the refugee camps… how did you find the Palestinians in the camps, and what is your interpretation of the political situation within them and in Lebanon itself?

Georges: The Palestinians in Lebanon are part of the Arab component of Lebanese historical identity. There is a long history of Palestinian-Lebanese struggle in Lebanon. The shared bloodshed between Palestinians and Lebanese historically constitutes the fundamental basis of our identity as activists. My generation was shaped by the effects of the Palestinian revolution and the Palestinian resistance movement. As resistance parties, Lebanese and Palestinian, we maintain a deep historical connection.

What I found in the camps confirms that Palestine remains the historical driving force of the Arab revolution. As I was saying, I am Palestinian, I am Lebanese, and I am Arab, but I am also a communist, and I see all these dynamics as part of a process that awaits the end of general exploitation.

The liberation of Palestine has historical and strategic value: it is the historical driving force of the Arab revolution. You cannot separate the two.

The camp—speaking in anthropological terms—is the space where, through its own evolution, the most intimate Palestinian identity has been formed. All of Palestine is a collection of camps. What one sees in Palestine, and what has been seen in Gaza, is a sum of camps that have shaped this profound identity of the Palestinian people. One must live in a camp, sleep for a week in one of those so-called “houses,” to understand what life is like inside. What then can be said when that life extends for decades, since 1947 and before? This allows one to understand what the camp is and why there is such imperialist, Zionist, and reactionary Arab fury aimed at destroying it. To destroy the camp is to destroy Palestinian identity.

The camp remains, to this day, a fortress impossible to eradicate. A camp is destroyed here, and the Palestinians move there and build another. A new camp cannot be created outside the framework of the destruction of the previous one.

We don’t have camps because of desertification, hunger, or unemployment. We have camps because there is an entity that swallowed the land where these people lived; their villages were destroyed, and they were forced to take refuge in camps.

And these camps weren’t destroyed just once. There isn’t a single camp in Palestine that hasn’t been destroyed more than once. That’s why the camps in Lebanon—to answer your question—have become the main refuge for the country’s poor. In reality, they are no longer “Palestinian” camps in a strictly demographic sense. If you go, for example, to Shatila, you’ll find that around 20% are Palestinians; the rest are poor people from Lebanon: Syrians, Iraqis, and Lebanese. The camp is a focal point of this historical transformation, within the objective process of the revolution, because of its real contradiction with the imperialist and Zionist strategy.

I found a people who remained steadfast, despite all their contradictions. Like any people in the world, we are not homogeneous: there are social sectors that lean toward negotiation and capitulation. But there is a vast majority of resilient masses who rose up with joy upon seeing the Israeli soldier weep and march away defeated, while the Arab regimes and armies watched passively.

We have masses who seek leaders and demand that they take a revolutionary stance. Those leaders may not be there today, but in the end, these masses will find their effective leadership, they will make the revolution, and they will become the revolutionary nucleus that will shake the entire Arab world.

What is at stake today is that Lebanon is the only place in the Arab world where a revolutionary will exists and where there is a weapon that is not completely controlled by the balance of power. Therefore, we will be subjected to enormous pressure. The entire imperialist system, all the forces linked to Israel, and in particular the Arab reactionaries, will use their entire arsenal of hatred to force us into surrender. But our people will not surrender. We will retain this weapon and be the spark that ignites those official systems that oppress our people in Egypt, Jordan, and the so-called Gulf protectorates.

That is what I found in Lebanon: vibrant forces. I was received as militants are received, and I was deeply surprised by the warmth of that welcome. I am profoundly grateful to all the leaders who received me, and I feel very reassured by the enormous willingness of the masses to give without limits.

What our people have demonstrated at this stage is that the energy of the masses surpasses all expectations. When it comes to self-defense and the future, the masses of our Arab nation, and particularly in Palestine and Lebanon, are at one of their highest points. They will play their historic role by withstanding the pressure, just as the Palestinian people historically assumed the responsibility of confronting Zionist settlement throughout the Arab Mashreq (Arab East). For decades, that burden has rested primarily on the Palestinian people. Today it falls to the Lebanese and Palestinian masses to take on the demands of this stage so that the Arab situation explodes and we can free ourselves from these tyrants, from this layer of rulers whose interests are organically linked to global capital.

Interviewer: Today many people point out that the economic and social situation is worse than it was years ago, but at the same time, voices are emerging that say there’s no need to fight, that change should be limited to the institutional level, to democratic and parliamentary reforms, without revolution. This is heard in various countries, for example, in Argentina.

Georges: On a global scale, the situation is this: we are living through explosive conditions worldwide. The movement of capital, the capitalist system as a whole, is undergoing a profound crisis, a structural crisis. This crisis is pushing the bourgeoisies to confront each other. What we see with Trump, what we see in Europe, what we see in Russia, indicates that for the third time in less than a century we are on the brink of a world war as a direct consequence of the crisis of capital. It is the third time in less than one hundred years, and this is evident to anyone who observes reality. What can we expect in this context? The masses are increasingly facing a process of fascistization on a global scale. There is a clear dynamic of transformation toward fascism within the capitalist system itself, which is progressively abandoning what it called representative democracy. Today, more and more, the main parties and governments are expressing this drift: in Argentina, in Italy, and with similar processes advancing in France, Germany, and the United States. This dynamic leads to a growing impoverishment of the masses, and this impoverishment will only worsen. The central question is this: how will revolutionary vanguards capable of uniting forces to confront fascism be formed?

In other words, the composition of today’s working class is not the same as it was in the 20th century. What are called the precarious and marginalized sectors now constitute the majority of the world’s population, distributed globally. The crisis of the capitalist system is affecting them on every continent. The question is how these popular forces can organize themselves within political frameworks equipped with a program capable of confronting fascism in Argentina, Peru, France, and elsewhere.

Our answer is clear: there is a large social mass with a vested interest in change. This mass is composed of a combination of precarious sectors, workers, and other popular sectors. This popular force is built through concrete participation in everyday struggles. In its historical process—economic, social, political, and cultural—this mass is formed amidst contradictions, but under a clear slogan: together, and only together, will we win. Together, and only together, will we advance; together, everywhere, we will prevail.

In Argentina, as in Beirut, it is necessary to identify common ground and strengthen it to build a shared identity. Solidarity with Venezuela, with Palestine, with the Kanak people of New Caledonia, with the peoples of the Caribbean, is part of the same process. It is a solidarity that forges the historical identity of the masses in the face of a global capital that offers nothing but barbarism. We have seen this barbarism in Gaza, in the West Bank, in Argentina, and in the peripheries of poverty and misery; we see it in Africa and Southeast Asia. Capital has no other proposal: only barbarism.

To the extent that we act collectively around common objectives, we contribute to building the historical identity of these masses. The masses, the agents of change, are formed through struggle, not outside of it. In the process of struggle, the conciliatory bourgeois forces are differentiated, and a common understanding of the real interests of the masses is built. These masses will come to understand their own immediate and historical interests. They will be the ones who transform reality. The role of revolutionary militants is to contribute to the construction of this popular mass on a clear foundation: together, and only together, will we win; together we fight, together we are formed. The constitution of this popular mass allows it to understand its present interests, its historical interests, and, with them, the general movement of history. That is true liberation: a liberation that occurs within this process, not apart from it.
Beirut (December 18, 2025). Georges expressing solidarity with the Chicano political prisoner, Xinachtli.
Interviewer: The October 7 operation, the Al-Aqsa Flood… How did you experience it? Did you expect an operation of this magnitude? What were your impressions at the time, and what are they now?

Georges: I am Arab, Palestinian, and Lebanese, and I approach this issue as something that concerns every human being in this great Arab homeland. Furthermore, I am a communist, and from that perspective, I analyze this operation not only in its local dimension but also in terms of its global effects and its relation to the dynamics of the Arab and international revolutionary struggle.

From a strictly military point of view, October 7 was a relatively limited operation; it was not a large-scale operation in historical terms. The Palestinian revolution is over forty years old. That groups of fighters—a thousand or so—would carry out an action of this kind is natural, even something that could have been repeated periodically. However, what happened produced a series of effects that went far beyond what was expected.

On the political and social level, at the level of the immediate popular reaction, the response was spontaneous. Like so many other sons of our Arab people, when we saw a fedayeen capture an Israeli soldier on top of a tank, we applauded and erupted with joy. That was a natural reaction, seeing the fighters acting as fighters should. Later, when analyzing the operation in detail, it is legitimate to say that some things could have been done differently. But, in its overall direction, it was a highly successful military operation.

Now, there were effects that not everyone perceived immediately. This operation revealed a reality that was not entirely visible. When Israel faced Palestinian violence, it responded barbarically, as was to be expected. But that response transformed the entire region into an unsafe zone for global capital, and this is the crux of the matter.

To understand this, one must understand what Israel is. Until the 1970s, Israel lacked large private financial institutions: banks, insurance systems, and key financial structures remained publicly owned. In the 1980s, with the arrival of nearly a million settlers from the Soviet Union, enormous amounts of capital also flowed in, often through channels illegal from the perspective of capitalism itself. Along with this capital came a highly skilled, scientifically trained workforce, which allowed Israel to take a qualitative leap and build what is known as its “Silicon Valley.” October 7th struck this strategic core. Not because it physically destroyed it, but because capital cannot remain where there is open armed conflict. No one anticipated this effect. And it is precisely this that places Israel in the final phase of its historical existence.

The project of so-called “Greater Israel” was viable as long as this Silicon Valley functioned. It was not a classic military occupation, but rather an economic and administrative domination of the entire region, similar to that exercised over the so-called Gulf States. On October 7, that project was canceled, even if those who carried it out weren’t necessarily aware of its strategic dimension.

Furthermore, on October 7, normalization between Saudi Arabia and Israel was prevented. We mustn’t forget that Gaza is a vast prison, and that the plans involved further expanding that confinement. October 7 was the explosion of that prison, and that explosion disrupted all regional projects.

The West responded by deploying its full arsenal of barbarity and criminality, but the Palestinian people stood firm, with their wounds and their children, refusing to surrender. They offered an example of resistance that humanity had not witnessed in either Dien Bien Phu or Stalingrad. Never before had a people fought in such a way in defense of their very existence.

On a global scale, the impact was immediate. For the first time in the history of Western capitalism, a war of extermination could be observed in real time, hour by hour. Argentinians, Bolivians, and Pakistanis could see the genocide unfolding before their eyes every day. This spurred broad sectors of the youth to rise up: first out of human solidarity, then out of a deeper political understanding. This mobilization began to take on a clear character of confrontation with the “fascistization of extermination.” In a global context marked by the crisis of capitalism and the real possibility of a third world war, the Palestinian cause became a banner against the advance of fascism in Europe and the world.

That is why, when the demonstrations began in Europe and the United States, governments tried to ban and criminalize them. Wearing a keffiyeh or carrying a Palestinian flag could lead to imprisonment or accusations of antisemitism. Today, however, there is no city in the world where the Palestinian flag and the keffiyeh are not raised as symbols not only of solidarity, but also of resistance to fascism within their own countries.

Netanyahu is a concrete expression of fascism. Israel, as an entity, is an organic extension of Western imperialism, which was historically formed through wars of extermination. The United States, Latin America, Australia: all these state projects were built on mass genocide. Israel is the latest expression of that logic.

The war of extermination against the Palestinian people did not begin in Gaza; it began at the end of the 19th century. In 1948, when the Palestinian population numbered fewer than a million, they resisted. Today, they number over fourteen million. Within historic Palestine, Palestinians now outnumber the settlers. This proves that the war of extermination has failed.

On October 7th, the world told this colonial project: you have reached your end. The violence unleashed today in Gaza and Lebanon is the expression of that final chapter. Israel can no longer present itself to the peoples of the world as a “democracy.” It has revealed itself for what it is: an absolute symbol of barbarism. Without the moral and political support of the imperialist West, Israel cannot survive. They can continue sending it weapons, but weapons do not change history. It is the people who make it. And the Palestinian people, with rudimentary means, have demonstrated a strength superior to the entire military arsenal.

For more than a century, the Palestinian people have resisted a war of extermination on behalf of the entire Arab Mashreq. The colonial project targeted not only Palestine, but the entire region. And it was the Palestinian people, the vanguard of this nation, who paid the price with the blood of their children and triumphed. Today, the world tells them: you have not only resisted, you have won. And not only as a Palestinian, but as a symbol of the fight against fascism, which is advancing everywhere.

These are the historical effects of October 7th.

Interviewer: With the so-called ceasefire, we’ve seen a certain demobilization on a global scale. How do you analyze this?

Georges: What is called a “ceasefire” is a stage within this conflict, an important stage. But we must analyze its real foundations. The main backdrop is the role of the Arab reactionaries in the attempt to disarm the resistance.

The central concern that is shaking imperialism is that the armed struggle in Palestine has produced a global effect they did not expect. The fedayeen has become the representative of true humanism, the one that transformed the keffiyeh into a universal symbol of freedom and opposition to fascism. That is why they are resorting to every possible means to put an end to this form of struggle. That is, in essence, what is at stake in the so-called ceasefire. They have divided this process into three or four phases.

The first phase consists of saying, “We will allow them to eat; we haven’t managed to exterminate them.”

Then they propose a second phase: that, under religious or regional cover, the Arab reactionaries enter Gaza. But for them to enter, they demand the presence of international forces intended to disarm the so-called “terrorists.”

We say clearly: these weapons will not be disarmed. These weapons are a symbol of humanity. It is these weapons that allowed thousands upon thousands of young people to take to the streets of the world, raising the banner of freedom represented by the Palestinian keffiyeh.

If these Arab reactionaries try to enter Gaza, we will crush them. And if the imperialist forces try to enter Gaza, we will confront them and destroy them in the fullest sense of the word.

The European and global bourgeoisies, under pressure from popular mobilizations in Europe, the United States, and worldwide, have begun to make certain concessions on a discursive level. Today they tell you: you can show solidarity with the “Palestinian victim,” with the Palestinian people who are starving, murdered, and bombed. That’s allowed. But you can’t show solidarity with those who are anti-imperialist.

You can show solidarity with the victim as a victim. But for that victim to become a historical subject, a political actor, that’s not allowed: then they become a “terrorist.” You can denounce that a people is being exterminated, you can affirm that they are victims. But you don’t have the right—according to them—to show solidarity with those who are fighting with weapons to defend that people.

The imperialist forces clearly state: the real problem is that anti-imperialism is now being presented as a legitimate political position, with a real presence in the struggle. That’s what keeps them up at night.

They tell you: “You can show humanitarian solidarity with the children, with the mothers… but be careful, very careful about saying that there is an anti-imperialist resistance and that you stand in solidarity with it. That is criminal.”

That is their position. We say the opposite. These historical conditions that have made the children of Gaza a universal symbol of freedom that would not exist without October 7th. They would not be a symbol of freedom if those fedayeen who carried a bomb and placed it on a tank did not exist. Only the fedayeen position truly embodies the essence of humanism. That “humanism” that many claim to defend today is nothing other than the practical expression of the sacrifice of those fighters who put their lives and bodies on the line against the military machine.

The imperialists, in all their variations, repeat: “Show solidarity with the victims, but be careful… be careful about showing solidarity with the anti-imperialist fedayeen.”

And we respond clearly: we are anti-imperialist because we are fedayeen. And we represent true humanism because we are fedayeen who practice armed struggle, in Palestine and beyond.

Interviewer: We want you to send a message to the peoples of the world and also to Latin America.

Georges: The message to the militants of Latin America is clear: we are in the same battle. Imperialism’s greatest fear is that the anti-imperialist struggle will cease to be an abstract slogan and become a concrete reality, legitimate and embraced by the masses. That is their true fear.

“Together, and only together, we will win.” We, together with the militants of Latin America and other parts of the world. Isolated, we cannot win anywhere. If we are fragmented, none of us will win. When the masses of Latin America mobilize for their own demands under the Palestinian banner, they do so as part of the struggle against fascism. In this way, they express the most concrete and effective form of solidarity with the prisoners of the Palestinian revolution and with every Palestinian who struggles.

This principle is not just a slogan. The Argentine, Palestinian, and Egyptian masses have common interests in the face of the barbarity of capital. When the social masses in Argentina mobilize against their own fascism, they are also defending Palestine. Every victory there is a victory here. Any triumph anywhere on the planet is a victory for all of us.

Every step forward anywhere in the world strengthens the entire revolutionary force. When the sons and daughters of the Argentine people advance in their struggles, that advance is also ours. And every victory in Palestine is a victory for the peoples of Argentina, Peru, and elsewhere.

The true leadership of the popular masses must understand that our struggles must be coordinated. We must learn how to do this. Every battle in Lebanon must be considered in relation to a battle in Argentina, in Europe, or anywhere else. We must relate to each other as capital does on a global scale, but without reproducing its contradictions. “Together, and only together, we will win.” That is our motto today, tomorrow, and the day after.

This is how we build the popular masses with a historical interest in change. These masses are built here and there, and through this solidarity, what we call the revolutionary international is forged. The defense of Venezuela, the defense of Argentina, the defense of the popular masses everywhere, is one and the same defense. Every victory in Cuba, in Venezuela, in Russia, or anywhere else in the world is a collective victory.

Revolutionary leaderships must keep this in mind when defining the priorities of the struggle. Our enemy is global capital; our allies are the popular masses. The popular masses are not built outside of coordination: they are built within it, and part of their identity is born from this process. The level of development of the popular struggle is reflected in the nature of its leadership. When reformist, reactionary, or surrendered leaderships predominate, this constitutes a defeat for other peoples as well. When there are revolutionary leaderships in Palestine, this is a victory for Argentina. When there are revolutionary fighters in Argentina, this is a victory for Palestine.

This interaction is what allows us to build a global popular mass capable of ending the capitalist system, a system in permanent crisis that can only be overcome through its overthrow by organized masses. But this is not achieved with abstract speeches. The popular mass is built through the daily practice of “together, and only together, we will win.” This is how it is built in Argentina and beyond. Confronting them is our duty: in Palestine and everywhere. Every step here is a step forward there. Every step there is a step forward here. “Together, and only together, we will win.”
Beirut (18/12/2025).
Source: masarbadil.org/es/carta-nacion…
abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=…#argentina #gaza #georgesAbdallah #latinAmerica #lebanon #October7 #palestine #westAsia

Carta Nacional Palestina

El Movimiento Ruta Revolucionaria Alternativa Palestina

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Gonna go about existing like a cockroach in a post apocalyptic world. Eat everything without giving a shit about what it is, the world around me is in ruins, just smart enough to realize I am now bigger than this rat so I can kill it, this isn't much worse than how life was for me before. It's just Tuesday.

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Just after I hit 'Publish', they went & cancelled it.

slackbastard.anarchobase.com/?…


Peter Malinauskas 1 def. Adelaide Writers’ Week 0

Update (January 13, 2026) : Since the Board told Dr Randa Abdel-Fattah to go forth, ‘Many authors have since announced they will no longer appear at Adelaide Writers’ Week 2026 and it i…
slackbastard

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Samidoun Statement on the German State of NRW Ordering its Website Blocked


The Samidoun Palestinian Prisoner Solidarity Network rejects and condemns in the strongest terms the repressive decision issued by the official media bodies in the German state of North Rhein-Westphalia, to block the Samidoun website (samidoun.net), in yet another outrageous step that expresses full adherence to the Zionist project and German imperialist repression against the Palestinian people and the growing international solidarity movement with their just liberation struggle.

This decision, announced in Dusseldorf and extending to all internet service providers and data transfer companies, is not an administrative or technical measure, as it is claimed. Rather, it is a hostile act aimed at stifling the Palestinian voice and criminalizing anyone who exposes the crimes of the Zionist occupation, particularly those committed against Palestinian prisoners in Zionist occupation jails.

The accusations leveled by the German state about “hostility to the democratic system”, “incitement” — namely, by rejecting “Israel’s right to exist,” are nothing but obvious, thin pretexts used to suppress any liberated discourse that exposes the colonial and racist nature of the Zionist entity. Our position rejecting the legitimacy of an implanted colonial settler entity based on ethnic cleansing and military occupation throughout occupied Palestine is not a crime, but rather a moral and political duty.

We also renew our rejection of the German Federal Ministry of the Interior’s decision to ban the activities of the Samidoun Network in November 2023. We consider this to be a critical moment in the escalation of the open assault against the Palestinian resistance and its supporters, as well as the Palestinian people as a whole, and a continuation of the policies of the German state, which has never ceased its political, military, and media support for the illegitimate “Israeli” entity, at the expense of the rights of the Palestinian people, international law, and freedom of organization and political action. Further, it is a direct contribution to Germany’s full participation in genocide in Gaza and throughout occupied Palestine, alongside its arms trade and supply to the Zionist regime.

Defending Palestinian prisoners is defending Palestinian rights and the just Palestinian cause. Attempts to silence the Samidoun Network will not end the voice of the prisoner movement or break the will of free peoples. Rather, they will increase the pace of political and popular confrontation against supporters of the genocide in Gaza and imperialist regimes of oppression and complicity.

source: Samidoun
abolitionmedia.noblogs.org/?p=…#europe #germany #palestine #PoliticalPrisoners #repression #samidoun

This entry was edited (1 hour ago)

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Alright, since the future is most definitely uncertain, especially with the US, I'm going to make a post about wanting to also meet and get to know new European friends as well (yes that includes you U.K.)

I'm mainly looking for those who are queer/LGBTQ+ and also those who are BIPOC too, but cis allies are also welcome! :3

(boost so i can reach out to more people! 🔁 :neodog_reach:)

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