#reference / ethnocracity vs. urban apartheid

Yacobi, Haim. 2016. “From ‘Ethnocracity’ to Urban Apartheid: A View from Jerusalem\al-Quds.” Cosmopolitan Civil Societies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 8 (3): 100–114.

Over the past 20 years, changes in demographic control, militarization, and state violence have radically transformed the city from an ethnocracity into an urban apartheid.

An ethnocracity refers to a city where a dominant ethnic group appropriates and controls the city apparatus to produce a contested, unstable space. Jerusalem was previously theorized as an ethnocracity.

Urban apartheid combines ethnic exclusion and segregation with market-driven forces like privatization, gentrification, and tourism planning. It relies less on formal legal structures and more on economic restructuring.

Urban apartheid intentionally segregates groups and allocates resources/rights based on race rather than residency. It is an intentional creation reflecting ideology and policy goals of domination, not just individual choices.

epress.lib.uts.edu.au/journals…

@histodons
@israel
@palestine
#Jerusalem
#AlQuds
#apartheid

#reference / Solidarity and the Palestinian Cause: Indigeneity, Blackness, and the Promise of Universality. Zahi Zalloua (2023).

[…] Foregrounding Palestinian Indigeneity reframes the Palestinian-Israeli conflict as a problem of wrongful dispossession, a historical harm that continues to be inflicted on the population under the brutal Occupation of the West Bank and #Gaza. At the same time, in a global context marked by liberal democratic ideology, such an approach leads either to liberal tolerance – the minority is permitted to exist so long as their culture can be contained within the majority order – or racial separatism, that is, appeals for national independence typically embodied in the two-state solution.

bloomsbury.com/us/solidarity-a…

@bookstodon
@histodons
@palestine
@israel

Aburish, Saïd K. 1989. Children of Bethany: The Story of a Palestinian Family. Bloomington: Indiana University Press.

------

In the 1920s and 1930s, life in the peaceful village of Bethany, outside #Jerusalem, was dominated by its flamboyant headman, Khalil Aburish, guardian of the tomb of Lazarus. Said Aburish, grandson of the headman, relates the vivid history of his family which, like so many others, has been torn apart by events in Palestine in the course of the century.

In 1948, with #Palestine in flames, the Aburish family scattered. Some remained in #bethany. Others began a new life across the world, establishing themselves as journalists, advertising executives, professors, bankers-even revolutionaries.

The Aburishes who stayed in Bethany watched as their peaceful way of life was destroyed by events in the outside world-culminating in the Israeli occupation of the West Bank which threatens their very existence.

@bookstodon
@histodons
@palestine
#palestine
#Nakba
#Israel

#reference/ Chances for Peace: Missed Opportunities in the Arab-Israeli Conflict. University of Texas Press, 2015.

“Drawing on a newly developed theoretical definition of “missed opportunity,” Chances for Peace uses extensive sources in English, Hebrew, and Arabic to systematically measure the potentiality levels of opportunity across some ninety years of attempted negotiations in the Arab-Israeli conflict.

With enlightening revelations that defy conventional wisdom, this study provides a balanced account of the most significant attempts to forge peace, initiated by the world’s superpowers, the Arabs (including the Palestinians), and Israel.

From Arab-Zionist negotiations at the end of World War I to the subsequent partition, the aftermath of the 1967 War and the Sadat Initiative, and numerous agreements throughout the 1980s and 1990s, concluding with the Annapolis Conference in 2007 and the Abu Mazen-Olmert talks in 2008, pioneering scholar Elie Podeh uses empirical criteria and diverse secondary sources to assess the protagonists’ roles at more than two dozen key junctures.

A resource that brings together historiography, political science, and the practice of peace negotiation, Podeh’s insightful exploration also showcases opportunities that were not missed. Three agreements in particular (Israeli-Egyptian, 1979; Israeli-Lebanese, 1983; and Israeli-Jordanian, 1994) illuminate important variables for forging new paths to successful negotiation.

By applying his framework to a broad range of power brokers and time periods, Podeh also sheds light on numerous incidents that contradict official narratives. This unique approach is poised to reshape the realm of conflict resolution.”

@bookstodon
@histodons
#Israel
#Palestine

Magid, Shaul. 2023. The Necessity of Exile: Essays from a Distance. First. Brooklyn: Ayin Press. ayinpress.org/the-necessity-of….

[...] Magid's book dissects and critiques terms like Zionism, anti-Zionism, identity, Indigeneity and antisemitism – subjects that have dominated the public discourse over the past two and a half months.

[...] "But still, amidst the mourning and devastation, when the fog of war lifts and the mourners rise from shivah or take down their mourning tents, the same dilemma will exist: competing claims for rights, claims of ownership, and the land, the land, the land. … We can think – we must think – a way out of the cognitive trap of exceptionalism and exclusivity, rights and victimhood, on both sides, and the illusion of seeing violence as a solution, whether terrorism or state violence, even if we must do so through tears of grief, of sorrow, and of pain."

ayinpress.org/the-necessity-of…

Interview archive.is/lV7ST

@bookstodon
@histodons
@israel
@palestine
#palestine
#IsraelHamasWar
#JewishSupremacy

While researching the work of the Palestine Conciliation Commission (PCC, or UNCPP) , came across this quote from Conciliation Commission member Mark F. Ethridge in Moris' "The birth of the Palestinian refugee problem revisited" (2012):

[...] Mark Ethridge, the Southern Baptist appointed by Truman to the PCC, quickly understood that the developing impasse over the refugees was lethal to any possibility of peace. Ethridge thought Shertok’s attitude – that the refugees were ‘essentially unassimilable’ in Israel and should all be resettled in the Arab world – ‘inhuman’. Israel’s views in this context, he said, were ‘similar to those which I heard Hitler express in Germany in 1933. It [sic] might be described as anti-Semitism toward the Arabs.’ At the same time, he believed that ‘it might be wise in long run to resettle greater portion Arab refugees in neighbouring Arab states’.

@israel
@palestine
@histodons #IsraelHamasWar
#Israel
#Apartheid
#Palestine

#reference / Zwi Migdal (or Zvi Migdal) was a Polish-Jewish-run, most profitable prostitution ring in South America and beyond

Apropos Jeffrey Epstein’s unsealed court documents , his real heritage is possibly Zwi Migdal - a Jewish global crime syndicate trafficking Jewish women as sex slaves.

joimag.it/jewish-mafia-and-pro…

@histodons
@israel
#Jews #Poland
#Slavery
#Prostitution
#HumanTrafficking
#US #Crime

Jewish Mafia and prostitute traffic: Zwi Migdal's forgotten story - JoiMag

Buenos Aires, Argentina, 1930 - The big trial had just ended. Judge Manuel Rodriguez Ocampo convicted 108 criminals with long sentences, forever disrupting the activities of the Zwi Migdal, the 30-year old, Jewish-run, most profitable prostitution ri…

^{Team JOI (JoiMag)}

#reference / The Catholic Church, anti-Semitism and anti-Zionism

from Theodor Herzl's personal diaries [English translation]; Book I, May-June 17, 1895:

[...] Anti-Semitism has grown and continues to grow — and so do I.

[...] I can still recall two different conceptions of the Question and its solution which I had in the course of those years. About two years ago I wanted to solve the Jewish Question, at least in Austria, with the help of the Catholic Church. I wished to gain access to the Pope (not without first assuring myself of the support of the Austrian church dignitaries) and say to him: Help us against the anti-Semites and I will start a great movement for the free and honorable conversion of Jews to Christianity.

[...] And because the Jewish leaders would remain Jews, escorting the people only to the threshold of the church and themselves staying outside, the whole performance was to be elevated by a touch of great candor.

[...] We, the steadfast men, would have constituted the last generation.

#antisemitism
#antizionism
@histodons

#reference/ Tabar, Linda, and Samia Al-Botmeh. 2021. “Real Estate Development Through Land Grabs: Predatory Accumulation and Precarity in Palestine.” New Political Economy 26 (5): 783–96. doi.org/10.1080/13563467.2020.…

Global capitalist dynamics within the settler colonial realities in #Palestine, examining the implications for Palestinians struggling to remain on their land

@israel
@palestine
#NeoLiberalism

#reference / Shlaim, Avi, Nadim Rouhana, Andre Zaaiman, and Na’eem Jeenah. 2012. “Pretending Democracy: Israel, an Ethnocratic State.”

The "Iron Wall" doctrine is a political strategy proposed by Zionist leader Ze'ev Jabotinsky in 1923. Knowing very well European Jewish presence in Palestine would never be accepted, It advocated for the establishment of a Jewish state as a so-called "iron wall". The doctrine argued that Zionists should prioritize building up their own military and economic power without making any concessions to Arab interests or seeking Arab cooperation.

----------

Zionism, the founding fathers and the Palestine Arabs, Avi Shlaim

[...] My central thesis in this chapter is that the iron wall was a national strategy to which rival Zionist political camps subscribed during both the pre-independence and the post-independence periods. In other words, it will be argued that there was a remarkable convergence between mainstream Labour Zionism and right-wing Revisionist Zionism when it came to the Arab question and that this convergence persisted after 1948 under the Labor Party, Likud, and Kadima. To say this is not to deny the existence of deep differences between the rival political camps. Clearly, there was always a European-style ideological divergence between the left and right wing on social, economic and political issues. Nor is it to deny that there were also significant differences when it came to the Arab question. Rather, the argument is that while left and right were divided on the territorial aims of Zionism, they were united on the strategy of the iron wall. Revisionist Zionism staked a claim to a Jewish state over the whole of the British mandate of Palestine, including Transjordan. Labour Zionists, on the other hand, accepted the principle of the partition of Palestine into two states, one Jewish and one Arab. At the risk of over-simplification, the two groups may therefore be described as territorial maximalists and territorial realists. Yet – and this is the crucial point – regardless of the extent of their territorial ambition, the two groups understood that, given the absolute Arab rejection of the whole idea, a Jewish state could be established only by force of arms.

@histodons
@bookstodon @israel
@palestine
#IsraelHamasWar
#Ethnocracy
#Palestine
#Israel

#Palestine and the UN / Imseis, Ardi. The United Nations and the Question of Palestine: Rule by Law and the Structure of International Legal Subalternity. Cambridge, United Kingdom ; New york, NY: Cambridge University Press, 2024.

Imseis criticizes the two-state solution, stating that it was not aligned with core principles of international law when originally envisioned and has contributed to Palestine's contingent status in the international legal order. Despite the Palestinian Liberation Organization's recognition of Israel in 1988 and acceptance of the partition plan of 1947, the Israeli occupation of the Palestinian Territory remains in place, raising questions about the validity of this historical compromise.

[...] Put simply, partition could never be legal without the freely expressed consent of the governed, and in #Palestine the vast majority of the population outright refused partition as an abomination of international law and their right to self-determination vis a vis the European settlers in their midst. Examination of the #UN record, in the form of the public and private meetings and report of the UN Special Committee on Palestine (#UNSCOP) as well as the General Assembly debates that followed, demonstrates that partition was not based on these international legal considerations. Rather, it was driven by powerful European states and their settler-colonial affiliates. The UN record reveals that the declared goal of these states was to rectify Europe’s centuries-old Jewish question in the wake of the #Holocaust and to do so at the expense of the innocent third-party Palestinians.

cambridge.org/core/books/unite…

@palestine
@israel
@bookstodon
#UN #UNRWA #Palestine #SettlerColonialism
#bookstodon #histodon

The United Nations and the Question of Palestine

Cambridge Core - International Relations and International Organisations - The United Nations and the Question of Palestine

^{Cambridge Core}

Germany and Israel: Whitewashing and Statebuilding by Daniel Marwecki (London: Hurst & Company, 2020), 274 Pages

From the abstract:

[…] Thorough archival research shows how German policymakers often had disingenuous, cynical or even partly antisemitic motivations, seeking to whitewash their Nazi past by supporting the new Israeli state. This is the true context of West Germany’s crucial backing of Israel in the 1950s and ’60s. German economic and military support greatly contributed to Israel’s early consolidation and eventual regional hegemony. This initial alliance has affected Germany’s role in the Israeli–Palestinian conflict to the present day.

@bookstodon
@histodons
@israel
@palestine
#Israel #Palestine #Germany
#ChangingNarrative

#UNRWA / Preserving the Palestine Heritage: paper and film documents held by UNRWA need preservation

[...] Hundreds of thousands, 296,680, of family files containing more than 16 million documents, including travel documents; land deeds; birth, death and marriage certificates; guardianship papers; utility and tax bills; curfew permits from the British Mandate period and other documents dating back to the period of Ottoman rule before World War I are also held by UNRWA. They are being preserved now through a project that is seeing the digitizing and indexing of these files.

@israel
@palestine
#Nakba
#Ethnocide

In #genocide and #colonialism / Ahmida, Ali Abdullatif. Genocide in Libya: Shar, a Hidden Colonial History. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY: Routledge, 2021.

[…] Between 1929 and 1934, thousands of Libyans lost their lives, directly murdered and victim to Italian deportations and internments. They were forcibly removed from their homes, marched across vast tracks of deserts and mountains, and confined behind barbed wire in 16 concentration camps. It is a story that Libyans have recorded in their Arabic oral history and narratives while remaining hidden and unexplored in a systematic fashion, and never in the manner that has allowed us to comprehend and begin to understand the extent of their existence.

@bookstodon
@histodons
#IsraelHamasWar

Revisionist Zionism / "Vladimir Hitler" and other nicknames

David Ben Gurion on Ze'ev Jabotinsky:

Aronoff, Myron Joel. Israeli Visions and Divisions: Cultural Change and Political Conflict. New Brunswick, U.S.A: Transaction Publishers, 1989.

@bookstodon
@histodons

Tamir, Dan. Hebrew Fascism in Palestine, 1922-1942. 1st ed. 2018, Springer International Publishing : Imprint: Palgrave Macmillan, 2018.

A timely read, considering all the conditioned Tamir discussed in 2019 seem to be present in Israel today.

The combination of a constitutional crisis, a major national threat, economic distress, and a charismatic right-wing leader could potentially lead to a resurgence of fascist-like politics in Israel, even if the manifestations would differ from historical #fascism. But this scenario is not inevitable.

@israel
@palestine
@bookstodon
@histodons
#Israel #NeoZionism #Fascism
#OtzmaYehudit #Likud #Netanyahu

CAMERA [The Zionist Watchdog] vs. JPS [and Ilan Pappé):

#CAMERA's relentless pro-Israel activism has drawn significant criticism, yet some mainstream media outlets continue to quote the organization as if it is a neutral arbiter on Middle East issues.

This is one example of how they work.

The Journal of Palestine Studies (#JPS) published an article by Ilan Pappé in 2006 that contained an inaccurate citation of a quote attributed to David Ben-Gurion. #CAMERA jumped at the opportunity.

Upon further review, JPS found an even more serious error - a misplaced quotation mark that significantly changed the meaning of the Ben-Gurion quote. To correct this and provide more context, JPS obtained a full translation of Ben-Gurion's 1937 letter to his son, which discusses Ben-Gurion's views on partition, the need to transfer Arabs, and using force if necessary.

The full letter shows that Pappé's portrayal of Ben-Gurion's thinking on transfer was accurate, and that the quotes attributed to Ben-Gurion are well-supported by the historical record.

"We must expel Arabs and take their place."

"If the Arabs stand in our way, we shall have to push them aside with the use of force, if need be."

"Our strength vis-à-vis the Arabs will likewise increase. The possibilities for construction and multiplication will speedily expand. The greater the Jewish strength in the country, the more the Arabs will realize that it is neither beneficial nor possible for them to withstand us."

"If we are compelled to use force - not in order to dispossess the Arabs of the Negev or Transjordan, but in order to guarantee our right to settle there - our force will enable us to do so."

The letter shows Ben-Gurion explicitly supporting the idea of forcibly transferring Arabs out of areas designated for a future Jewish state, even if it required the use of military force.

“JPS Responds to CAMERA’s Call for Accuracy: Ben-Gurion and the Arab Transfer.” Journal of Palestine Studies, vol. 41, no. 2, 2012, pp. 245–50. JSTOR, doi.org/10.1525/jps.2012.xli.2…. Accessed 18 Apr. 2024.

More information on the letter, Ben-Gurion's intent. Of interest is Rabbi Chaim Simons , who concludes:

"But at no point during the 1930s and 1940s did Ben-Gurion ever go on record against the idea or policy of transfer. On the contrary, Ben-Gurion left a paper trail a mile long as to his actual thinking, and no amount of ignoring, twisting and turning, manipulation, contortion, and distortion can blow it away."

en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1937_Ben…

@histodons
#Israel #EthnicCleansing

Attar, Samar. Debunking the Myths of Colonization: The Arabs and Europe. Lanham, Md: University Press of America, 2010.

[...] Chaim Weizmann (1874–1952), who was born in Russia and later became a naturalized British subject and in 1948 the first president of the State of Israel, said of the Palestinians: “The British told us that there are some hundred thousands Negroes. . . and for those there is no value.” Rafael Eitan, the Israeli general and former Chief of Staff, whose ancestry goes back to Russia too, speaks of Palestinians in 1983 as “drugged cockroaches inside a bottle.” This is the common crude language of intruders/ colonists who have originally arrived from Europe to different parts of the world. Ironically, the Jews in Europe were never considered Europeans, yet some of them seemed to have emulated the racial and ideological make-up of their tormentors!

@bookstodon
@histodons
#Coloinalism
#EasternEuropeanJews #RussianJews #Israel #Zionism #Racism

#Passover 2023 / Zionism stage 2: "The Hidden Question" (Yitzhak Epstein, 1907)

It's still colonialism, but Epstein was witness to the dispossession of Palestinian tenant farmers from their land by Jewish land purchasing practices, and in his speech to the 7th Zionist Congress in Basel in 1905, he advocates for an ethical and inclusive approach to the Zionist settlement, recognizing the rights and humanity of the Arab population, and promoting a path of coexistence, cooperation, and mutual understanding between Jews and Arabs in #Palestine.

[...] We devote attention to everything related to our homeland, we discuss and debate everything, we praise and criticize in every way, but one trivial thing we have overlooked so long in our lovely country: there exists an entire people who have held it for centuries and to whom it would never occur to leave.

#PDF balfourproject.org/bp/wp-conte…

Author Ehud Ben Ezer [...] From my understanding, the issue that troubled Yitzhak Epstein was the manner in which lands were acquired from the #Druze tenant farmers in the Metullah area (now the Rosh Pina moshav). He opposed the violent expulsion of the peasant farmers from the lands they had worked for generations, despite it being a difficult process accompanied by hatred and a desire for revenge from the displaced Druze.

Epstein supported an approach of coexistence and cooperation between Jews and Arabs in Palestine. He criticized the violent way in which the Metullah lands were acquired and called for closeness and mutual respect between the two peoples, as he tried to implement in the Rosh Pina moshav where he taught, in an attempt to expose his students to Arab culture.

In his speech "The Hidden Question," he presented his firm stance against the expulsion of Arab peasants from their lands, and called for mutual respectful relations, learning about Arab culture, and cooperative agricultural methods that would benefit both sides.

"צל הפרדסים והר הגעש: שיחות על השתקפות השאלה הערבית ודמות הערבי בספרות העברית בארץ־ישראל מסוף המאה הקודמת ועד ימינו / אהוד בן עזר - פרויקט בן־יהודה." 25 Apr. 2024, benyehuda.org/read/25465.

See also:

+972 Magazine. "The Zionist educator we should have listened to - +972 Magazine." +972 Magazine, 3 Apr. 2016, 972mag.com/the-zionist-educato….

@histodons
@palestine
@israel
#Israel #Zionism #SettlerColonisalis #dispossesion

The Zionist educator we should have listened to - +972 Magazine

At a time when Israel’s education minister sees only Jews as moral, it is worth remembering a prominent Zionist educator who taught us that things could have turned out differently.

^{+972 Magazine}

Wind, Maya. Towers of Ivory and Steel: How Israeli Universities Deny Palestinian Freedom. Verso, 2024.

Excerpts:

The settler university: Israeli academia has always been part of Israel’s territorial objectives in Palestine. (2024, April 29). Retrieved from mg.co.za/thought-leader/opinio…

The Israeli scholarly security state. (2024, April 29). Retrieved from mg.co.za/thought-leader/opinio…

The Israeli scholarly security state. (2024, April 29). Retrieved from mg.co.za/thought-leader/opinio…

@palestine
@israel
@academicchatter
#HebrewUniversity
#Apartheid
#EthnicCleansing
#Anthropology #history

The Israeli scholarly security state

This is part two of three excerpts from Maya Wind's book Towers of Ivory and Steel. Based on research, the book is a gamechanger in the conversation about Israe

^{Eyaaz (The Mail & Guardian)}

[cont'd] Eve of the 1948 war: 20,000 tons in food supplies for the Jewish community

Contrary to the myth that "few triumphed over many," Israel was well-prepared for a protracted conflict in 1948 and stood to benefit from taking over more Palestinian land than was allotted to it in the partition plan.

This preparedness became evident even before the British Mandate (occupation) over Palestine ended on May 15th, 1948. Israel's reliance on external assistance is a recurring theme throughout its history.

Unfortunately for the Palestinians, this reliance was not reciprocated by neighboring Arab countries.

Snippet from a UN Palestine Commission report dated April 12, 1948:

@palestine
@israel
@histodons
#histodons #israel #nakba #ZionistNarratives

My Brother, My Land: A Story from Palestine

SAMI HERMEZ, WITH SIREEN SAWALHA

“walked back to #Palestine against the traffic of exile”

[…] In 1967, Sireen Sawalha's mother, with her young children, walked back to Palestine against the traffic of exile. My Brother, My Land is the story of Sireen's family in the decades that followed and their lives in the Palestinian village of Kufr Ra'i.

sup.org/books/title/?id=33465

@palestine
#Nakba
@bookstodon
@histodons

My Brother, My Land | Stanford University Press

A riveting and unapologetic account of Palestinian resistance, the story of one family's care for their land, and a reflection on love and heartache while living under military occupation.

^{Stanford University Press}

Diplomacy in the Shadow of Memory: Israel and West Germany, 1953–1965 (
Roni Stauber, 2023) [translation of the original title in Hebrew]

Israel's story is one where realpolitik often superseded moral considerations. Leveraging the "guilt card" proved advantageous for Israel, a tactic it continues to employ effectively even today. However, in recent decades, Israel has wielded this strategy more from a position of strength than out of the survivalist mindset of a persecuted people.

Tauber's books includes interesting revelations (or reminders, really), among which:

- Former Nazi officers assisted Israel in the 1950s and 1960s.

- Israel secretly used reparations money from Germany to purchase military equipment, with the Germans turning a blind eye to this violation of the reparations agreement.

- Germany funded the purchase of submarines, helicopters and missile boats for Israel from Britain and France.

- There are hints, but no definitive proof, that Germany also helped fund Israel's nuclear program at Dimona.

- High-ranking former Nazis and Wehrmacht officers who took senior positions in the West German administration assisted Israel and expressed admiration for its military capabilities, seeing it as a strategic asset in the Cold War.

- Israeli leaders like Ben-Gurion were willing to ignore the Nazi pasts of the German officials in order to secure vital military and economic aid for Israel's security.

- There were fierce internal debates in Israel over this pragmatic policy towards West Germany, with critics like Golda Meir accusing Ben-Gurion of giving Germany a "certificate of integrity."

- Israel later used the "guilt card" and Jewish influence (real or perceived) to pressure West Germany into establishing full diplomatic ties in 1965 after a crisis over an arms embargo.

While this heart-warming Israeli-German relationship has undoubtedly benefited Israel, it has come at a cost to the Palestinians. A reasonable expectation could be for Germany to adopt a more neutral stance regarding the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, rather than favoring Israel, regardless of Israel's implicit involvement in war crimes. Israel's security concerns are no longer existential in nature, and its primary motivation is to annex the occupied territories.

[PDF] [Hebrew] Table of content https://www.shazar.org.il/wp-content/uploads/2023/04/שטאובר-לאתר.pdf

See also: Germany and Israel: Whitewashing and Statebuilding by Daniel Marwecki (London: Hurst & Company, 2020), 274 Pages kolektiva.social/@oatmeal/1120…

@israel
@palestine
#Israel #Holocaust #Palestine
@histodons
@bookstodon

Edited: removed typos

oatmeal

2024-03-05 21:21:00

Germany and Israel: Whitewashing and Statebuilding by Daniel Marwecki (London: Hurst & Company, 2020), 274 Pages

From the abstract:

[…] Thorough archival research shows how German policymakers often had disingenuous, cynical or even partly antisemitic motivations, seeking to whitewash their Nazi past by supporting the new Israeli state. This is the true context of West Germany’s crucial backing of Israel in the 1950s and ’60s. German economic and military support greatly contributed to Israel’s early consolidation and eventual regional hegemony. This initial alliance has affected Germany’s role in the Israeli–Palestinian conflict to the present day.

@bookstodon
@histodons
@israel
@palestine
#Israel #Palestine #Germany
#ChangingNarrative

#Israel / On the brink of fascism, will Israel actually cross over? In light of the occupation, the ethnocracy, and the strengthening of racist forces, one cannot ignore the danger of the fascist option being realized in Israel.

[...] At the head of the arrow of the nationalist ideology and the historical philosophy that mandates 'the eternity of Israel' and is intertwined with non-recognition of the legitimacy of 'the enemy', stands a populist, charismatic, demagogic and authoritarian leader - #Netanyahu, who is one step away from becoming a fascist leader. It is no wonder that neo-fascist or authoritarian-populist leaders, like Donald #Trump in the US, Narendra #Modi in India or Viktor #Orban in Hungary, are his reference group and fitting analogies for the kind of leadership he represents.

[...] If we add to all this the occupation and #apartheid regime that #Israel has been leading for more than half a century in the West Bank - and the transition from a 'temporary occupation' to a permanent colonialist situation, which paved the way for the legal process now awaiting at the International Criminal Court in The Hague - and if we add the ethnocratic features, whereby according to the political geographer Oren Yiftachel one ethnic group appropriates the institutions and resources of the state at the expense of minorities, while continuing to present itself as a (hollow) democracy, and above all the strengthening of the religious-racist forces - then we cannot ignore the danger of the fascist option materializing in Israel.

Prof. David Ohana is the author of the book The Fascist Temptation (Routledge 2021), and Prof. Oded Heilbronner is the author of the book From Popular Liberalism to National Socialism (Routledge 2017).

[Hebrew] haaretz.co.il/opinions/2024-06… or archive.ph/a5FCL

See also:

Tamir, Dan. Hebrew Fascism in Palestine, 1922-1942. 1st ed. 2018, Springer International Publishing : Imprint: Palgrave Macmillan, 2018. kolektiva.social/@oatmeal/1122…

@histodons
@bookstodon @israel
@palestine
#IsraelFascism

oatmeal

2024-04-03 14:38:34

Tamir, Dan. Hebrew Fascism in Palestine, 1922-1942. 1st ed. 2018, Springer International Publishing : Imprint: Palgrave Macmillan, 2018.

A timely read, considering all the conditioned Tamir discussed in 2019 seem to be present in Israel today.

The combination of a constitutional crisis, a major national threat, economic distress, and a charismatic right-wing leader could potentially lead to a resurgence of fascist-like politics in Israel, even if the manifestations would differ from historical #fascism. But this scenario is not inevitable.

@israel
@palestine
@bookstodon
@histodons
#Israel #NeoZionism #Fascism
#OtzmaYehudit #Likud #Netanyahu

Memorandum Prepared in the Department of State from June 4, 1947.

A Plan for the Future Government of Palestine

I. basic principles

-----

[...]

B. Palestine should become neither an Arab State nor a Jewish State but a single independent Palestine State in which all its people, of whatever religion or blood, may dwell together in concord. In particular, Palestine should continue to provide a Jewish National Home in its spiritual and cultural aspects, as well as a home for the Arabs and all others who live there.

This document is a memorandum prepared in the U.S. Department of State in 1947 outlining a plan for the future government of Palestine. It was published as part of the Foreign Relations of the United States (#FRUS) series, which is a collection of documents compiled by the U.S. Department of State that contains records of the foreign policy of the United States.

history.state.gov/historicaldo…

@palestine
@israel
@histodons
#Israel #IsraelPalestinePartition #Nakba

W. Thomas Mallison and Sally V. Mallison. 1979. “International Law Analysis of Major UN Resolutions Concerning the Question of Palestine - CEIRPP Study.” un.org/unispal/document/auto-i….

On the issue of self-determination and its application to Palestine: The analysis examines the development of the right to self-determination as a legal principle, citing historical examples like the American Revolution and its codification in the UN Charter. It analyzes General Assembly resolutions that further define and apply this right (Resolutions 1514, 2625, 2649, 3089D, 3236) and asserts its specific applicability to the Palestinian people. The analysis underscores that this right encompasses "national independence and sovereignty" and permits "all means," including armed struggle, to regain it when denied.

[...] Since the American Revolution relied upon armed struggle to achieve self-determination about a century and a third before the principle of self-determination was used in the post World War I peace settlement, 168/ it is not surprising that the General Assembly specifies it as a permissible method now. Its permissibility is legally significant as an authoritative General Assembly assertion that armed struggle for self-determination is consistent with the purposes and principles of the United Nations Charter. In a situation such as Palestine where the people has been denied its right of self-determination by armed force, the right to regain it by armed struggle is considered permissible under article 51 of the Charter concerning self-defense.

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International Law Analysis of Major UN Resolutions Concerning the Question of Palestine - CEIRPP study - Question of Palestine

Please scroll down for Arabic, Spanish, French and Russian versions and PDFs.    AN INTERNATIONAL LAW ANALYSIS OF THE MAJOR UNITED NATIONS RESOLUTIONS CONCERNING THE PALESTINE QUESTION by W. Thomas Mallison *

^{Question of Palestine}

#Nakba1948 / The birth of an "Hasbrah Nation” ...

[...] Ben-Gurion probably never heard the word “Nakba,” but early on, at the end of the 1950s, Israel’s first prime minister grasped the importance of the historical narrative. Just as #Zionism had forged a new narrative for the Jewish people within a few decades, he understood that the other nation that had resided in the country before the advent of Zionism would also strive to formulate a narrative of its own. For the Palestinians, the national narrative grew to revolve around the Nakba, the calamity that befell them following Israel’s establishment in 1948, when about 700,000 Palestinians became refugees.

Historian Shay Hazkani (today an associate Professor of History at the University of Maryland) uncovered in this early publication a concerted effort orchestrated by Israel's first prime minister, David Ben-Gurion, to manipulate the historical narrative surrounding the 1948 Palestinian exodus/explosion.

Seeking to secure international sympathy for the Jewish state (which declared independence unilaterally after a failed attempt to implement the partition resolution and while the UN were busy formulation a trustsheep, suggested by the U.S.), Ben-Gurion instructed Israeli historians to produce research that would obscure the expulsion of Palestinians, instead promoting the narrative that they fled their homes voluntarily.

Hazkani argues that this manipulation was a calculated attempt to rewrite history, downplaying Israel's role in the Palestinian #Nakba and swaying global opinion in favor of the newly established nation.

issuu.com/shay_hazkani/docs/of…

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"The Palestinian Arabs wanted Palestine because they lived there. The Zionists demanded it because the land had been promised by their God "Yahwa" which promise was later confirmed by "Balfour", ratified by the League of Nations, and finally, by the United Nations. For the Zionists it was a "return" full of mystical significance. For the Arabs, it was simply another invasion."

Armajani, Yahya. 1970. Middle East: Past and Present. Englewood Cliffs, N.J: Prentice-Hall. p. 315.

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#Zionism #Nakba #ZionistHistoriography #Indigeneity

Book review: **Dimitri Shomsky**. Did Zionism Seek to Establish a Nation-State? The Zionist Political Imagination from Pinsker to Ben-Gurion (1882-1948)

Dimitri Shomsky's book challenges the conventional narrative of Zionist aspirations, arguing that before the Peel Commission's 1937 proposal to partition Palestine, the dominant Zionist vision wasn't necessarily a fully independent nation-state. Instead, Shomsky posits that many Zionist leaders favored a model of Jewish autonomy within existing empires, drawing parallels to similar aspirations of other nationalities within the Austro-Hungarian, Russian, and Ottoman empires.

He examines the writings of key Zionist figures like #Herzl, #Jabotinsky, and Ben-Gurion, highlighting instances where their proposals suggested a degree of autonomy rather than outright independence.

The book also explores the influence of the "Helsinki Program," a plan focusing on securing equal rights for Jews within the Russian Empire. Shomsky's work introduces previously unknown Russian-language materials, particularly concerning Jabotinsky's dual commitment to both Jewish nationalism and his deep-rooted connection to his Russian identity.

The author ultimately presents an alternative historical perspective on Zionism, suggesting a path that could have been, but wasn't, taken.

Review by Anita Shapira, Professor Emerita, Department of Jewish History, Tel Aviv University.

Hebrew kriot.co.il/%D7%9E%D7%93%D7%99…

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מדינה בדרך: האם הייתה אופציה חליפית? - קריאות ישראליות

דימיטרי שומסקי הוא חוקר שעיקר עניינו ביהדות מזרח אירופה ומרכזה בשמונים השנים שקדמו לשואה. תובנות שעלו ממחקריו בנושאים אלה הוא...

^{alonoz (קריאות ישראליות)}

Dr. Omri Shefer Raviv’s book, “The Homeowners: The Israeli Government and the Palestinians, 1967-1969”, researches the formative decisions that shaped Israel’s governance of the Palestinians in the immediate aftermath of the 1967 war—policies whose echoes resonate today while Israel is destroying Gaza and attempting, again, to empty it of its indigenous population (mostly descendants of the internal refugees of the 1948 #Nakba).

Raviv argues that the initial assumption of a temporary occupation quickly fractured, with divergent views emerging within the Israeli government. While some envisioned annexation, others saw the territories as bargaining chips, and still others prioritized a strong military presence. However, a common thread was the desire for control.

Moshe Dayan, Minister of Defense, emerges as a central figure, actively dismissing any prospect of a political solution and advocating for the perpetuation of the occupation. As described in the book, Dayan prioritized a strategy of economic dependence to maintain control, declaring that it was the "most important success" and that "100,000 refugees have passed from Israel to Jordan.” The book details how policies were deliberately designed to create this reliance, hindering Palestinian development.

[...] "I wish they would all leave… I know the images and descriptions in the newspapers of people wading through water with their children… and in the heat of Jericho, those aren’t dignified scenes… but it’s the most practical thing happening today, with 1,000 refugees crossing every day.”

Raviv describes systematic efforts to encourage Palestinian emigration, including outright expulsion. Dayan reportedly expressed a desire to see Palestinians leave, stating that "it would be a pity if we had to deal with them," and that he hoped "they all pass”. These actions, coupled with the creation of conditions meant to incentivize migration, foreshadowed current strategies.

Hebrew haaretz.co.il/literature/study… or archive.ph/GbbQt

Dr. Omri Shefer Raviv is a historian of the Israeli-Palestinian "conflict" and modern Israel."

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In this document, which is a communication from the UK Delegation to the UN Palestine Commission, forwarding questions and answers from the UK House of Commons on February 18, 1948, Mr. Bevin, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs outlines the UK's stance on Palestine as the mandate nears its end on May 15th [1948], is acknowledging the #UK will not enforce the partition of Palestine or impose solutions unacceptable to both Arabs and Jews.

[...] Mr Bevin: I have repeatedly announced, as my Right Honourable Friend the Secretary of State for the Colonies announced at the beginning and His Majesty’s Government adhere to it now, that we cannot take part in forcing partition in Palestine or in any solution that is not acceptable to the Arabs and the Jews.

HOUSE OF COMMONS
18th February 1948

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